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Jack Mendelsohn, who served on the U.S. SALT II. and START I delegations, is the former deputy director of the Arms. Control Association in Washington, D.C. He is currently the John M. Olin. Distinguished Professor of National Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval. Academy.
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By State. Jack Mendelsohn. Open report. Address: 4655 Kenmore Dr NW Washington, DC 20007. Relatives: Micaela Mendelsohn; Phone number: (202) 965-4595. Dwelling Type: Single Family Dwelling Unit. Length of Residence: 15+ years. Median Home Value: $5,262,000. Median Household Income: $618,000. Jack Mendelsohn. Open report. Address:
- The Evolution of Doctrine
- Nuclear Weapons in The 1990s
- Should NATO Reconsider?
- An Absence of A Rationale
- Out-Of-Area Intervention
- Negative Security Assurances
- The 1995 U.S. NSA Reads
- 'Calculated Ambiguity' and Deterrence
- Taking The Lead
The readiness of NATO to use nuclear weapons first in a conflict has been evident from the beginning of the alliance. Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, drafted in early 1949 before the Soviet Union had tested a nuclear weapon, commits the allies to come to the defense of all members in the event of an attack. This commitment was understood by...
As the Soviet Union wound down in the late 1980s, the security environment in Europe changed fundamentally, allowing a long-overdue reconsideration of NATO's nuclear strategy. In July 1990 in the London Declaration, NATO announced a review of the alliance's political and military strategy to reflect "a reduced reliance on nuclear weapons" and lead ...
Some argue that the alliance's current posture of "flexible response," with the current understanding that the use of nuclear weapons would be considered only in "extremely remote" circumstances, is the right one and should not be changed. Others believe that this policy is out of date and should be re-examined by the alliance since it lacks any mi...
NATO's nuclear first-use policy lacks any militaryrationale. The alliance's threat during the Cold War to use nuclear weapons in response to non-nuclear aggression, however contradictory and self-deterring such a policy might have been, was considered helpful in reassuring Europe that some military response was available to counter the Warsaw Pact'...
As the intervention in Kosovo demonstrated, NATO is now seemingly prepared to undertake out-of-area military missions for a number of reasons: to resolve conflicts, to manage crises, to promote democracy, to defend moral principles or to protect human rights. At the same time, NATO has also made it clear that it seeks to perform these missions with...
All 19 nations of NATO, including its three nuclear-capable members, are bound to the object and purposes of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Under the treaty, the five recognized nuclear-weapon states have committed themselves to respect a broad prohibition on using nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states. Pledged in the form of nega...
The United States affirms that it will not use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon States parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons except in the case of an invasion or any attack on the United States, its territories, its armed forces or other troops, its allies, or on a State toward which it has a security commitmen...
Many proponents of a nuclear first-use policy admit that neither the United States nor NATO will ever employ nuclear weapons except in retaliation against a nuclear attack. Nonetheless, these proponents argue that a no-first-use policy should not be adopted because uncertainty—or "calculated ambiguity"—as to the nature of the alliance response serv...
The principal threats to the security of NATO and its member-states over the next decades will not come from Russia, but rather from regional dictators, rogue states and violent sub-national groups. The alliance's best defense against these threats is not its nuclear arsenal—the use of which has no military or political justification—but rather its...
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