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Extra Curricular Activities. Your education doesn't stop within the classroom. At Clydebank High School we believe that participation is key to success, and encourage all of our...
Jun 28, 2021 · Extra-curricular activities have been shown to be an important part of facilitating problem-solving, enabling expression of emotion, enhancing adaptability, and contributing to the development of interpersonal skills (Fares et al., 2016).
- Rachael Finnerty, Sara A. Marshall, Constance Imbault, Laurel J. Trainor, Laurel J. Trainor
- 2021
Oct 31, 2018 · Understanding how extra-curricular activities impact upon students’ future careers is a vital consideration; however, too narrow a focus on outcomes related to employability runs the risk of overlooking other benefits that may be associated with participation in extra-curricular activities.
- Patrick Buckley, Paul Lee
- 2021
- Foreword
- Executive summary
- Section 1: introduction
- Section 2: extra-curricular activities: significance and gaps in participation
- Section 3: The labour market, ‘soft skills’ and social mobility
- Section 4: Conclusions and recommendations
- Recommendations
Dame Martina Milburn, Chair, Social Mobility Commission
One of the best bits about childhood is doing the things you enjoy outside the classroom – joining a football team, learning to dance or playing the drums. Yet our research shows too many young people from disadvantaged backgrounds never get the chance. As a result, they lose out on the benefits –increased confidence which helps social interaction, a real aspiration to go on to higher or further education, more soft skills and a sense of wellbeing and belonging. Playing team sports, doing voluntary work, joining a youth club or singing in a band are also vital in developing networks –which those from affluent backgrounds often have ready-made. An Unequal Playing Field found that the school you go to, the area where you grow up, and your socioeconomic background largely determine what types of activities are available outside the classroom. There was a direct link between household income and participation for almost all extra-curricular activities which were included in the survey. Children from the poorest households were much less likely to take part in any extra-curricular activity, but particularly music and sport. As a Commission we want to promote choice, but here we have uncovered barriers which prevent choice. In some places itis a straightforward lack of opportunities. Some activities, common in some areas, are simply not available in others. There are financial barriers too - children from the poorest backgrounds are also often priced out of participation. Sometimes young people do not participate because they just do not know that they can. And perhaps most revealing of all, some young people do not take part in activities because of their perceived exclusivity. They do not think they would fit in. We have a responsibility to change this. As a start we propose a national extra-curricular bursary scheme for disadvantaged households to help them access a far greater range of activities. We also call for more support to extend voluntary sector initiatives for children from less affluent backgrounds. Ultimately our report shows that a young person may miss out on some of the most valuable experiences in life – a chance to bond with others, aspire to learn more, and gain the soft skills so important to employers – simply because of their social background and where they grew up. It is time to level the playing field.
The breadth of extra-curricular activities, spanning the musical, artistic, social and sporting domains, are widely considered valuable life experiences that should be open to all young people, regardless of background or where they happen to live. Activities such as being a member of a sports team, learning a musical instrument, or attending a local youth group are thought to be enriching life experiences. Apart from their inherent value, it is often claimed that young people can also develop positive tangible outcomes from these experiences of interacting and working with others through organised extra-curricular activities, which could benefit them in later life.
This report considers the significance of extra-curricular activities within contemporary debates around social mobility. It focusses on secondary aged school children and assesses available evidence on the possible impact of extra- curricular activities across a range of outcomes as well as current gaps in opportunities to participate in different activities. These questions are considered in the context of broader debates around the importance of soft skills within the UK labour market.
Research aims and context
The University of Bath was asked by the Social Mobility Commission to carry out a piece of research addressing extra-curricular participation, soft skills and social mobility in the UK. The Social Mobility Commission originally sought to address the question of whether extra-curricular activities, through the development of soft skills, could drive intergenerational social mobility. It is difficult to directly address this question with any single data-set that contains sufficiently detailed high-quality data. Instead, we bring together a number of primary and secondary data-sets, as well as draw on previous literature, in order to address this research aim. Our research sought to understand the significance of extra-curricular activities in terms of what impact they may have on young people. In considering the significance of these activities, we also aimed to identify current levels of participation, and any gaps in opportunities to participate according to social class, school attended, gender, ethnicity, and geographic location. The research aimed to place these findings within the broader context of the importance of soft skills in the labour market, and their possible importance for promoting social mobility. Extra-curricular activities, together with the associated terms ‘out-of-school’ activities, ‘super-curricular’[footnote 1] and ‘co-curricular’ activities, are broad ‘catch-all’ terms, often used to represent a multitude of activities across musical, artistic, sporting, social and academic domains. The term ‘extra- curricular’ activities is used here, defined as the breadth of activities which young people undertake outside of the formal and compulsory lesson time, and spanning each of these domains. The breadth of activities considered here could include private tuition undertaken in young peoples’ own time. It might also include clubs related to school subjects, such as science club, or debating society. Our definition is intentionally broad to encompass wide aspects of like experience, and includes sporting (for example football, boxing, cricket), musical (for example learning an instrument, membership of an orchestra), artistic (for example drama, dance, drawing), and social (for example youth groups, scouts/girl guides) activities. Both individual activities and team-based activities are taken into account, as well as important distinctions between types of activities within the broad categories of ‘sport’ and ‘music’. For example, attention is given to differences between the variety of sports available and played, as well as the types of musical or artistic activities young people engage in. In distinguishing between different types of activities, we are not advocating some activities are more worthy, rather, we hope to describe the extent to which different groups have the opportunity to take part in a breadth of life experiences.
Research questions
How do levels of extra-curricular participation vary across different groups of young people? What might account for any differences in participation between different groups of young people? In what ways might extra-curricular participation, and engagement in particular types of activities, impact on young people? What sorts of soft skills do employers demand in contemporary labour markets?
Policy context
The question of gaps in extra-curricular participation and levels of provision is important on a number of levels. In terms of the broader concern and policy aim of promoting intergenerational social mobility, gaps in participation between groups could be one factor to consider, especially if non-academic attributes become more important in determining labour market success. It has been argued that, over time, non-academic factors become more important in determining the labour market success of individuals, as the value of credentials decline in the context of crowded graduate labour markets (Brown, 2013). Moreover, engaging in a diverse range of activities might enable young people to craft a particular narrative of the self that enables them to gain an edge over others in the competition for jobs and university places. Lareau (2002) coined the phrase ‘concerted cultivation’ to describe the intensive efforts made by middle class families in fostering the individual talents of their children through organised leisure activities. In this sense, extra-curricular activities form part of the mechanisms by which advantaged groups are able to maintain their advantaged positions, which is likely to become even more important in the future as the graduate population increases, and competition in the labour market intensifies. If extra-curricular activities are important sites for developing important attributes and skill-sets, then it might be that they are seen as one of the possible policy solutions to address social mobility. Opportunities to participate in extra-curricular activities, and the school-based provision of activities, must be considered in the context of the central government programme of austerity, representing severe cuts to public services in recent times. The cuts made as a result of austerity have resulted in closure and reductions of key local services such as youth centres, leisure centres, parks, libraries etc. (Hastings et al., 2015; Fitzgerald and Lupton, 2015; Unison, 2016; Davies, 2019). These are some of the very places where extra-curricular activities are provided, and represent the necessary structures to give young people the opportunity to take part in activities. It is those young people who are reliant on the public provision of facilities and services who are likely to be hit hardest. Any consideration of extra-curricular activities must also be seen in light of contemporary financial pressures facing the state education sector. The Institute for Fiscal Studies has begun to publish a series of comprehensive analyses of education spending in the UK (funded by the Nuffield Foundation). Their most recent report showed that total school spending per pupil has fallen by 8% in real terms between 2009 to 2010 and 2017 to 2018, which was largely owing to a 55% fall in local authority spending on services, as well as cuts of over 20% to school-based sixth forms (Belfield et al., 2018). These financial pressures within the state sector must be taken into account when considering the sorts of opportunities open to young people, as well as what teachers and schools can realistically achieve in addressing any gaps in provision and participation. Social change in the use of public space and society more generally is also important when considering questions about opportunities for young people to engage in extra-curricular activities. In what is often referred to as the ‘risk society’ (Beck, 1992), there is a heightened sense of uncertainty and insecurity attached to public spaces in contemporary Britain. Parents may be less inclined to allow their children to play as freely in the streets as they once did, owing to parental anxieties about children’s safety in outdoor public spaces (Valentine and McKendrck, 1997). Given this societal shift in parental perceptions of public spaces, it is likely that the need and demand for organised (and institutionalised) clubs and societies, perceived to offer a ‘safe space’ for children, will have also risen. Given that these organised forms of provision will often carry financial cost, this raises important questions of equity and social justice as well as participation in public life, if only those children whose parents can afford it are afforded the opportunity to access them.
Key points
our qualitative data showed that extra- curricular activities give young people the confidence to interact socially with others, extend their social networks beyond existing friendship groups, and provide them with new skills and abilities. Some also perceive them as important for their long-term career aspirations as well as useful in building stronger university and job applications above all, young people see extra- curricular activities as a chance to have fun, unwind and relieve the stresses of their increasingly pressured school lives our analysis of data from Understanding Society also suggests further positive outcomes in relation to educational aspirations. The analysis found that extra-curricular activities - specifically music classes and playing a wide range of sports – are important in predicting intentions to remain in education after compulsory schooling – even after holding constant important background factors (gender, age, parental education, household income, and ethnicity) research in other national contexts has found strong evidence of a link between extra-curricular activities and educational outcomes as well as other positive outcomes, such as soft (especially social) skills socioeconomic status is a significant factor determining participation in extra- curricular activities. Children from more wealthy households are much more likely to take part in every type of activity, but especially music classes and sport opportunities to take part in activities also depend significantly on the school young people attend, with independent schools offering an unparalleled breadth and range of activities compared to that evident within the state sector barriers to taking part in extra-curricular activities for those from low income households include their high cost, a lack of confidence, and difficulties in access the availability of youth facilities differs across geographic localities. Some of the parents, teachers and pupils we spoke to expressed alarm and disappointment about closures to youth clubs in recent times certain activities are gendered in their participation, with music, dance, art and voluntary work having a higher proportion of female participation and sports being more male dominated. In terms of sports, these gender-related patterns of participation could be partly driven by gender-based forms of provision not all extra-curricular activities have equal participation across different ethnic groups. Around 4% of British Pakistani youth take music classes, compared to 28% of British Indian, and 20% of White British youth. Sport is the only activity that has a nearly equal rate of participation across different ethnic groups geographic location also influences participation in extra-curricular activities with those in Northern Ireland much more likely to participate than other parts of the UK. Opportunities to participate also differ geographically according to the type of activity (music, sport, youth clubs etc.), for example, fewer young people in the North East of England take music classes than is the case elsewhere
Introduction
This chapter brings together existing literature with new analysis of secondary data-sets and primary data collected [footnote 4], in order to understand both the significance of extra-curricular activities as well as the gaps in participation and provision. Extra-curricular activities are widely considered to be of considerable value for young people growing up in contemporary British society. Whilst an attempt is made to understand their significance in terms of measurable outcomes, it must also be acknowledged that extra-curricular activities are commonly regarded as valuable in themselves, irrespective of whether or not any empirical evidence can be identified. A wide view of extra-curricular activities is adopted here, to include not only individual activities but also team-based, and important distinctions between types of activities (that is the differences between the kinds of sports, and their likely importance in building different kinds of networks). At the same time, we do not intend to privilege certain activities over others. We pay particular attention to the number and type of activities which youth engage in, and examine how this varies across individuals and social or ethnic groups. This raises important questions about participation gaps for specific extra-curricular activities for certain groups and individuals. The first part of this section deals with the significance of extra-curricular activities, in terms of their impact on a wide range of outcomes as well as their value as understood by young people and parents themselves. After examining the importance of extra-curricular activities, the second part moves on to assess what gaps exist between different groups in their opportunities to participate. We provide a comprehensive picture of participation gaps as well as explanations for what may be driving these.
The importance of extra-curricular activities
The significance and potential impact of extra-curricular activities is examined here by pulling together existing evidence from previous research, together with new analysis of data from Understanding Society as well as qualitative data collected. Existing research is reviewed to consider the impact of extra-curricular activities on achievement, aspirations, soft skills, emotional well-being, and school attendance. New analysis of data from Understanding Society considers the impact of extra-curricular activities on intentions to remain in education after the compulsory schooling phase. The qualitative data allows for a richer understanding about how young people themselves interpret the benefits of extra-curricular activities from their perspective. We begin by assessing the existing evidence base around the significance of extra-curricular activities across a range of social and educational outcomes. Education, ‘soft skills’ and well-being A large body of research exists that addresses the role of extra-curricular activities on a range of cognitive and non- cognitive outcomes. However, this work has largely been carried out in America and European countries other than the UK, with a dearth of research relating to the UK context specifically. Some of the cross-sectional findings in the UK (Arthur et al. 2015; Pitts 2007, 2008) has suggested a positive role played by extra-curricular activities. Further research is needed in the UK context using larger data-sets to understand more fully the cognitive and non- cognitive impacts of extra-curricular activities. A recent study carried out in Switzerland has examined the effect of extra-curricular activities, intensity of participation (measured by attendance) and quality of extra-curricular activities offered (measured by the School-Age Care Environment Rating Scale) on achievement in mathematics (Schuepbach 2015). The study followed a quasi-experimental design with a control and comparison group which controlled for student and family effects. The findings suggest a positive effect on mathematics achievement. The intensity of participation, quality of extra-curricular activities and their interaction were all found to have a significant positive effect on achievement in mathematics. Longitudinal research in the USA has also suggested that participating in a greater number of activities can have positive impacts educationally (in terms of achievement and educational expectations) psychologically (in terms of better outcomes on measures relating to self-esteem, achievement, motivation as well as depression and internalising behaviour) as well as in terms of civic engagement and risk behaviours (Fredricks & Eccles 2006). Mahoney, Cairns & Farmer (2003)’s 8-year longitudinal study in the USA context found that extra-curricular activities had a significant positive effect on educational outcomes (including achievement and attendance) and a reciprocal positive association with educational aspirations across adolescence. Their earlier work (Mahoney & Cairns 1997) also reported that participation in extra-curricular activities was linked to lower rates of early school dropout for boys and girls. Our analysis of data from Understanding Society builds on this research, showing a similar impact of certain extra-curricular activities on educational aspirations in the UK context (see below). Also in the USA context, Akos (2006) found a positive link between participating in multiple extra-curricular activities and student achievement, as well as feelings of ‘connectedness’ to school. In addition to academic achievement, Gerber (1996) & Marsh (1992) found that extra-curricular activities have a positive impact in relation to one’s self-concept, educational aspirations, absenteeism and attendance (again, in the USA context). Marsh & Kleitman (2002) suggested that extra-curricular activities in the USA are as much, or more, beneficial for socio- economically disadvantaged youth than their more advantaged peers. The benefit in outcomes is measured in terms of grades, homework, educational and occupational aspirations, self-esteem, number of university applications, subsequent college enrolment, and highest educational level. Furthermore, Dumais (2006) examined longitudinal data collected from schools in the USA and found that participation in extra-curricular activities contributed to increased reading test scores, and that this gain was higher for disadvantaged children compared to their privileged counterparts. Thus, there is evidence that extra-curricular activities play a prominent role in narrowing the inequality gap between advantaged and disadvantaged young people. Farb & Matjasko (2012) reviewed 52 empirical studies published between 2004 and 2009, focusing on the role of school-based extra- curricular activities among adolescents in the American and Canadian contexts. Their analysis concludes that a general positive relationship can be found between extra-curricular activities and academic outcomes (in terms of educational achievement and aspirations). This conclusion reiterates the findings from their earlier review analysis of 36 empirical studies in the USA context which involved publications over a 20-year period (1980s to 2004) (Farb & Matjasko 2005). Structured school-based extra-curricular activities were associated with lower dropout rates, higher attainment levels and improved academic performance. Participation in extra-curricular activities has also been found to have a positive association with educational aspirations. For example, Mahoney and colleagues found that over time, consistent participation in structured extra-curricular activities has the potential to enhance students’ motivation educationally, as well as set ambitious goals for their future, including those pertaining to education and career objectives (Mahoney, Cairns, & Farmer, 2003). In turn, future intrinsic goal-framing has been shown to predict long-term persistence and better performance (Vansteenkiste, Matos, Lens, & Soenens, 2007). Whilst a significant body of work suggests a link between extra-curricular activities and educational achievement, it must also be noted that not every study has been able to find evidence for such a link. The Steinmann et al. (2018) analysis of panel data of a representative sample of school children in Germany participating in extra-curricular activities was not able to identify any significant effect on their mathematics or reading achievement. However, this study has its own limitations as the type of extra- curricular activities analysed were only academic-related - homework support, remedial education and subject specific- specific programmes. Another drawback, despite controlling for fixed effects, is the non-random assignment of students to the treatment group (those who participated in the extra-curricular activities) and the control group. Farb & Matjasko (2005; 2012) make a strong case for a more refined study into the effects of extra-curricular activities, accounting for selection bias and more robust measurement (such as the intensity, breadth and duration of activities). They also call for research employing longitudinal data and incorporating other contextual and explanatory, mediating factors that can plausibly better explain the relationship between extra-curricular activities and desired outcomes (attainment, achievement, aspirations etc). Based on a review of 35 empirical studies (largely based in the American context), Roth et al. (2010) have further questioned the evidence base on the positive outcomes associated with extra-curricular activities. Highlighting the dearth of evidence, they suggest that participation is multi-dimensional. As a result, it is problematic to attempt to measure the effects of participation in extra-curricular activities on various outcomes. Further research should therefore investigate which aspect of participation (duration, intensity, breadth, total exposure & engagement) leads to improvement in achievement or any developmental outcomes. The analysis presented here goes someway to addressing this in terms of number and duration of activities. Apart from cognitive outcomes, extra-curricular activities have been associated with improvements in a range of non- cognitive outcomes such as students’ soft skills, for example, persistence, independence, following instructions, working well within groups, dealing with authority figures and fitting in with peers (Carneiro & Heckman, 2005; Covay & Carbonaro, 2010; Farb& Matjasko, 2012; Farkas, 2003; Howie, Lukacs, Pastor, Reuben, & Mendola, 2010). Furthermore, there is large body of research that has consistently found a significant association between extra-curricular activities and positive developmental outcomes and social behaviours (Barnes, Hoffman, Welte, Farrell, & Dintcheff, 2007; Bohnert, Richards, Kohl, & Randall, 2009; Bundick, 2011). Our own qualitative research, presented below, contributes further evidence on the non- cognitive benefits of extra-curricular activities. Numerous studies have found that children who participate in extra-curricular activities tend to grow into adults with higher levels of civic participation and engagement. McFarland and Thomas (2006), for example, analyse the National Educational Longitudinal Study and the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health and conclude that membership experiences in particular types of youth organisations (for example, service organisations, student council, drama clubs, musical groups, and religious organisations) have positive effects on adult political participation. Several other pieces of research have also shown that extra-curricular activity in adolescence predicts various forms of civic and political participation in adulthood (Beck & Jennings, 1982; Glanville, 1999; Kahne & Sporte, 2008; Plutzer, 2002). At the same time, some studies have suggested that, because extra-curricular activities are more frequently offered in advantaged schools (Snellman, Silva, & Putnam, 2015), they can play a role in perpetuating socio-economic inequalities in education and limiting chances for social mobility (Covay & Carbonaro, 2010). On the other hand, other research has demonstrated that disadvantaged children benefit more from participation in extra-curricular activities than their privileged counterparts (Dumais, 2006). Private tuition for school subjects is a further activity outside formal lesson time that could possibly be impacting on young people. Whilst a large body of research has addressed the question around the uptake and availability of private tuition, there is a lack of consistent evidence on the effectiveness of private tuition on levels of achievement (Ireson, 2004). Smyth (2009) argues that in examining evidence for this link, sufficient account needs to be taken of prior achievement levels and social background. Using data from the Republic of Ireland, Smyth shows that when these background factors are taken into account, there is no evidence that private tuition impacts on achievement.
Key points
there is strong evidence that demand exists from employers for soft skills in the UK labour market the Employer Skills Survey has consistently shown that the most common soft skill lacking in the labour market is the ability to manage ones’ own time and task prioritisation (51% of all ‘skill-shortage vacancies’ were attributed to this in 2017). This is followed by the ability to manage one’s own feelings and handle the feelings of others gaps in soft skills (such as customer handling, team working and oral communication) were as widely reported by employers as the gaps in ‘job specific and technical skills’ a recent study analysing job adverts in the UK found that academic credentials were not the key factor that employers highlight in the advertisement phase of the recruitment process (present only in 18% of job adverts UK wide). Social skills, specific technical skills, and personal characteristics – rather than academic qualifications – are more central in this part of the hiring process. previous research analysing job adverts in the UK labour market has found that social skills are less likely to appear than technical and cognitive skills, and more likely to appear than formal qualification or educational requirements social skills are on the other hand very important for sales and customer service occupations, administrative and secretarial occupations, associate professional and managers analysis of data from PIAAC supports past research on the association between soft skills (some of which can be gained from extra-curricular activities) and intergenerational social mobility. Our research found a correlation between higher levels of soft skills (readiness to learn, problem-solving, and planning skills) and upward social mobility defined as having higher educational achievement than parents
Introduction
In section 2 of the report, we examined the significance of extra-curricular activities across a variety of outcomes (including educational achievement and aspirations), as well as analysing differences in participation according to age, gender, socio-economic status, ethnicity, school attended and geographic location. Our qualitative research in selected schools confirmed that young people and parents perceive extra-curricular activities as an important contributor to improving confidence to interact socially, some technical skills, as well as a crucial means for extending friendship networks. Previous research reviewed here has also suggested that extra-curricular activities contribute to the acquisition of interpersonal ‘soft skills’ like communication, persistence, independence, following instructions, working well within groups, dealing with authority figures and fitting in with peers (Carneiro & Heckman, 2005; Covay & Carbonaro, 2010; Farb & Matjasko, 2012; Farkas, 2003; Howie, Lukacs, Pastor, Reuben, & Mendola, 2010). It must also be noted that the kinds of ‘soft skills’ gained through extra-curricular activities might not necessarily be the kind needed in the labour market by employers. For example, the kind of ‘team work’ developed through sports activities might not necessarily be the kind of ‘team work’ needed in the labour market. As a caveat for the discussion presented here, one should not necessarily assume that there is a single mutually conceived notion of ‘team work’ or any other soft skill. Nevertheless, the possible influence of extra-curricular activities on the acquisition of soft skills becomes even more important in the context of growing demands from the labour market and employers for these types of skills. Various studies have found that the skills for which there has been the greatest increase in demand in the last decades of the 20th century were non-routine analytical skills (that is those involved in problem solving) and, to an even larger extent, non-cognitive (or ‘soft’) skills, including collaboration skills (Autor, Levy, & Murnane, 2003; Deming, 2017; Whitmore Schanzenbach, Nunn, Bauer, Mumford, & Breitwieser, 2016). It has been suggested that new jobs tend to require both foundational (for example literacy, numeracy) and soft skills (Bacolod & Blum, 2010). Other studies have argued that the flattening of organisational hierarchies has meant that workers at all levels are now required to have higher levels of soft skills (Brungardt, 2011). According to this research, technical skills would still be necessary for workers to get jobs, but they may not be sufficient for workers to move beyond entry-level jobs. In other words, subsequent success beyond entry levels usually would require proficiency in ‘soft skill’ areas such as leadership, self-management, conflict resolution, communication, emotional intelligence, etc. (Laker & Powell, 2011). Furthermore, soft skills have also been found to be positively associated with workers’ occupational status (Lucs, 2014) and higher salaries (Bacolod & Blum, 2010; Heckman, Stixrud, & Urzua, 2006). In addition, researchers have also found that these skills not only directly impact job outcomes, but significantly impact educational attainment (Blanden, Gregg, & Macmillan, 2007). A further study commissioned by the Education Endowment Foundation and Cabinet Office found a strong relationship between soft skills and positive academic and broader life outcomes such as academic attainment, improved finance in adulthood and reduced crime (Gutman & Schoon, 2013). The same study suggests that the evidence is strongest in relation to soft skills underpinning academic-related outcomes such as children’s perception of their ability, their expectations of future success, and their motivation and persistence. Furthermore, recent research by the Sutton Trust reveals that differences in soft skills exist between children from different socio- economic backgrounds (Vries & Rentfrow, 2016). They highlight the growing body of research that demonstrates that these skills are essential for securing jobs and hence are vital for social mobility. This chapter builds upon these findings and sets them in the context of the UK labour market, in terms of the demand for soft skills from employers. It also goes further and tries to examine claims about the possible linkages between soft skills and upward social mobility empirically using available data sources in the UK. We first elaborate on the concept and definition of soft skills, before moving on to the evidence base for labour market demand in relation to soft skills, using Employer Skill Survey data and recent big data analysis of job adverts in the UK. Finally, we use data from PIAAC to examine the possible links between level of soft skills and upward social mobility, defined here as having higher educational achievement than parents.
Soft skills: definitions and concepts
In recent decades the use of the term skill by policy makers, employers and academics has broadened considerably, raising questions about the concept of skilled work and what it constitutes (Payne 2017). Various academic disciplines and traditions understand the concept of skill differently (Bryson 2017) and it is beyond the scope of this report to address the variety of understandings and uses of the concept of skills. For example, those in sport and exercise psychology tend to speak more about ‘’life skills’’ rather than soft skills which are prominent in the labour market and education studies. However, what is important is that the notion of skill is expanding from technical and cognitive conceptualizations (characteristics for trades and industrial production) to include ‘soft’ interpersonal and social elements which are essential across service organisations, especially in customer-facing jobs (Payne 2017; Bryson 2017; Hurrell 2016; Nickson et al. 2012). This shift in understanding is linked with the expansion of service sectors in developed economies and the expansion in low level service sectors (Appelbaum, Bernhardt, and Murnane 2003; Hurrell 2016). Soft skills are usually defined as: ‘non- technical and not reliant on abstract reasoning, involving interpersonal and intrapersonal abilities to facilitate mastered performance in particular social contexts’ (Hurrell, Scholarios, and Thompson 2013). Examples of soft skills include oral communication, team working, negotiation skills, customer handling and self-presentation. Soft skills involve dealing with others and managing oneself and one’s emotions in a manner consistent with particular workplaces and organisations (Hurrell, Scholarios, and Thompson 2013). Although soft skills are seen to be especially important within customer service sectors (Nickson et al. 2012) they are seen also as important across occupational groups for example for highly educated professional service workers (Grugulis 2006) as well as for managers for which they are seen as crucial in increasing leadership effectiveness (Riggio et al. 2003). Despite disagreement within the academic community on definitions (Bryson 2017) as to whether soft skills are skills (Hurrell, Scholarios, and Thompson 2013), they are increasingly present in the policy debates and demanded by employers. Within these debates, the crucial and burning issue is the perceived skill deficits in the labour force reported by employers. In the UK, the concerns raised by some reports claim the UK is facing a “skills crisis” as the workforce is facing in particular a deficit in soft skills which is threatening productivity and which could have major financial implications for the UK economy (Clarke 2016). For instance, a widely quoted report published by Development Economics on behalf of McDonald’s, UK, suggested that by 2020 over half a million UK workers will be significantly held back by lack of soft skills – an issue that is forecast to affect all industry sectors (Development Economics, 2015). Within regular Employers Skills survey reports (see Winterbotham et al, 2018, as the most recent example) employers report problems with filling vacancies because applicants lack the required skills (skills shortages) and/or that current workers lack proficiency in their jobs (skills gaps). These problems are, however, not confined to hard/technical skills and deficiencies are frequently reported in ‘soft’ interpersonal and social skills. Within the UK, a significant minority of employers report that potential recruits or current workers do not possess these soft skills, with soft skills gaps much more widely reported than soft skills shortages (Winterbotham et al, 2018). These phenomena are not extensive in absolute terms, with both phenomena being reported by a small minority of employers. Soft skills are more prominently featured in job adverts compared to formal credentials or technical skills (Souto-Otero 2018). We present these findings in more detail in the next section.
This report set out to address the significance of extra-curricular activities within contemporary debates around social mobility. It paid attention to the importance of extra-curricular activities across a range of outcomes and gathered together a range of quantitative and qualitative evidence on the gaps that exist in opportunities to participate (focussing on secondary school aged children). In doing so, the report also sought to synthesise existing evidence on the skills employers demand within the UK labour market and the relationship between soft skills and social mobility more broadly.
The review of labour market data presented here confirms the growing relevance of soft skills for employers in the UK. We also identified a correlation between higher levels of soft skills (readiness to learn, problem-solving, and planning skills) and upward social mobility defined as having higher educational attainment than parents. Previous research and our own qualitative data clearly support claims about the importance of extra-curricular activities in attainment of soft (especially social) skills. Our analyses of quantitative data from the Understanding Society survey is also suggestive of a link between participation in extra-curricular activities and educational aspirations. The impact on achievement has also been evidenced from previous research (especially in the USA), and further data is needed to provide more rigorous evidence of its effect in the UK context.
Evidence from young people themselves presented here shows the wider value placed on extra-curricular activities. These were found to be an important part of childhood, a space to have fun, escape the pressures of school work, on top of their value in developing confidence, social skills and team work abilities (the kinds of ‘soft skills’ valued by employers).
The evidence presented here suggests that extra-curricular activities are a positive and enriching experience for young people, promoting not only positive educational outcomes but also offering the possibility for developing a wider set of skills beyond the qualifications obtained from school.
As levels of education increase, and more graduates enter the labour market, these non-educational skills and capabilities are likely to become increasingly significant in determining labour market success.
Importantly, our findings also reveal the unequal opportunities young people have to take part in extra-curricular activities. It is not so much a question of choosing not to participate, but rather a question of an unequal playing field in the opportunities and chance of participating. The overlapping effects of social class, school attended, gender, ethnicity and geography are key drivers shaping these unequal opportunities.
1. Introduction of a national extra-curricular bursary scheme
A national extra-curricular bursary scheme would provide financial support to children from low income households activities to be spent on activities that are meaningful to them (covering all associated costs including fees, equipment and transportation). This would help to address the significant financial barriers to participation. Flexibility in how the money might be spent could be important to account for different needs, such as those in rural areas incurring greater transport costs. The scheme could operate through local authorities and eligibility might be determined by established indicators of disadvantage, for example Free School Meals (FSM) eligibility. It could make sense to pilot the scheme within the Opportunity Areas to begin with, before it is rolled out more widely. The scheme should be delivered in such a way to ensure that it also works to address a lack of confidence many disadvantaged young people have to get involved in activities.
2. Provide funding to develop and extend third-sector initiatives that successfully facilitate access to extra- curricular activities
The high cost of kit and equipment can make taking part in extra-curricular activities too risky for children from lower income households. Successful initiatives that work directly with schools to allow young people to ‘trial’ activities, and provide heavily subsidised fees, should be identified and rolled out across the country. The Western Fitness Project (see box A) is one example of such an initiative which could be easily replicated. Those initiatives that are most successful in engaging disadvantaged youth and improving their confidence to take part should be prioritised. Funding could be provided to local authorities who might be better placed to ensure that an even spread of initiatives across the artistic, sporting and musical domains are allocated funding.
3. Increase the organisational capacity of schools to support their extra-curricular provision and improve information on the availability of activities in local areas
A designated extra-curricular co-ordinator in every state school could help drive school- based provision. This must be implemented alongside allocating space in teacher workloads for delivering activities themselves. Additional coordination among schools within local areas could also help to provide a wider range of extra-curricular activities by preventing duplication of activities. Much of this work could be taken on by either academy/free school chains or local authorities. A central information resource for each local authority could also be introduced to pool together information and details on the wide variety of extra-curricular activities available. This kind of resource could be added on to existing local authority platforms (online and via apps)
Section 1. Extra-Curricular Programs. Extra-curricular programs enrich the curriculum of the school by making available a wide variety of activities in which a student can participate. Seward High School will adhere to the rules and regulations set forth in Title IX guidelines on sex discrimination as well as other pertinent rules and regulations.
Mar 2, 2016 · Aside from grades, extracurricular involvement tends to cause high school students the most stress in building a well-rounded profile. What activities should I join? Am I overloading myself? How should I organize my extracurriculars (ECs) on applications? Never fear; CollegeVine has your back!
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Aug 1, 2021 · Extracurricular activities have many advantages such as better grades, higher standardized test scores, and higher grades, educational success, more regular school attendance, and higher...
