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The next day, police investigators found metal fragments and scraps of plastics near the source of the explosion. The bomb was later found to be composed of 23 kg of explosive, a mixture of 5 kg of TNT and Composition B, improved from 18 kg of T4 (nitroglycerinfor civil use). The Italian Government led by Christian Democrat Prime Minister Francesco Cossiga first assumed the explosion to have been caused by an accident (the explosion of an old boiler located in the basement of the station). Nevertheless, soon the evidence gathered on site of the explosion made it clear that the attack constituted an act of terrorism. L'Unità, the newspaper of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) on 3 August already attributed to neo-fascists the responsibility of the attack. Later, in a special session to the Senate, Cossiga supported the theory that neofascistswere behind the attack, "unlike leftist terrorism, which strikes at the heart of the state through its representatives, black terrorism prefers...

Already on 26 August 1980, the prosecutor of Bologna issued twenty-eight arrest warrants against far right militants of the NAR and Terza Posizione: Roberto Fiore, Massimo Morsello (future founders of Forza Nuova), Gabriele Adinolfi, Francesca Mambro, Elio Giallombardo, Amedeo De Francisci, Massimiliano Fachini, Roberto Rinani, Giuseppe Valerio Fioravanti, Claudio Mutti, Mario Corsi, Paolo Pizzonia, Ulderico Sica, Francesco Bianco, Alessandro Pucci, Marcello Iannilli, Paolo Signorelli, PierLuigi Scarano, Francesco Furlotti, Aldo Semerari, Guido Zappavigna, GianLuigi Napoli, Fabio De Felice, Maurizio Neri. They were interrogated in Ferrara, Rome, Padua and Parma. All were released from prison in 1981. A long, troubled and controversial court case and political issue ensued. The relatives of the victims formed an association (Associazione dei familiari delle vittime della strage alla stazione di Bologna del 2 agosto 1980) to raise and maintain civil awareness about the case. Main stag...

There were several episodes of screening, organized to end the investigation, the most serious of which is hatched by some leaders of the military secret services (SISMI), including generals Pietro Musumeci and Giuseppe Belmonte, which had a police sergeant put in a train in Bologna a suitcase full of explosives, of the same type that blew up the station, containing personal items of two right-wing extremists, a Frenchman and a German. Musumeci also produced a phony dossier, called "Terror on trains," which reported the terror intents of international terrorists in connection with two other members of neofascist subversion, all linked to "armed spontaneism", without political ties, thus at the same time material authors and masterminds of the massacre. General Pietro Musumeci, n°2 of SISMI and revealed in 1981 to be a member of Propaganda Due (P2) masonic lodge, was charged with having created falsified evidence to charge Roberto Fiore and Gabriele Andinolfi, two leaders of Terza Po...

Due to the protracted legal procedures over the years and the numerous proven false leads, there developed a number of assumptions and divergent political interpretations around to the real perpetrators and masterminds of the attack. 1. In an annex published in fascicles in 1994 of the right-wing weekly L'Italia Settimanale, entitled "History of the First Republic" it is given a particular interpretation of the massacre, linked with Ustica massacre (of which it is literally defined bis, a repetition) and then compared to the cases of Enrico Mattei and Aldo Moro. Without disputing the court rulings that have recognized the perpetrators, the text is intended to indicate the masterminds. The text continues with: 1. Between 1999 and 2006, during the sessions of the "Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on terrorism in Italy and on the causes of the failure to identify those responsible for the massacres" (XIII legislature, 1996–2001) and then of the "Commission of Inquiry on the Mitrokhi...

The municipality of Bologna together with the Associazione tra i familiari delle vittime della strage alla stazione di Bologna del 2 agosto 1980 hold an annual international composition competition, which culminates with a concert in the town's main square, Piazza Maggioreannually on 2 August, which is also the day designated as a national memorial day for all terrorist massacres. The area of the station where the bomb detonated has been reconstructed but, as a memorial of the attack, the original floor tile pierced by the detonation has been left in place and a deep crack closed by a glass panel has been made in the reconstructed main wall. As a further memorial, the station clock that stopped at 10:25 due to the explosion, has been repaired but permanently set at that time.

The next day, po­lice in­ves­ti­ga­tors found metal frag­ments and scraps of plas­tics near the source of the explosion. The bomb was later found to be com­posed of 23 kg of ex­plo­sive, a mix­ture of 5 kg of TNT and Com­po­si­tion B, im­proved from 18 kg of T4 (ni­tro­glyc­erinfor civil use). The Ital­ian Gov­ern­ment led by Chris­t­ian De­mo­c­rat Prime Min­is­ter Francesco Cos­siga first as­sumed the ex­plo­sion to have been caused by an ac­ci­dent (the ex­plo­sion of an old boiler lo­cated in the base­ment of the sta­tion). Nev­er­the­less, soon the ev­i­dence gath­ered on site of the ex­plo­sion made it clear that the at­tack con­sti­tuted an act of ter­ror­ism. L'Unità, the news­pa­per of the Ital­ian Com­mu­nist Party (PCI) on 3 Au­gust al­ready at­trib­uted re­spon­si­bil­ity for the at­tack to neo-fas­cists. Later, in a spe­cial ses­sion to the Sen­ate, Cos­siga sup­ported the the­ory that neo­fas­cistswere be­hind the at­tack, "un­like left­ist ter­ror­ism, which strikes a...

Al­most im­me­di­ately after the bomb­ing, the press agency Ansa re­ceived a tele­phone call from some­one pur­port­ing to rep­re­sent NAR claim­ing re­spon­si­bil­ity. The call later proved to be fake, and to have orig­i­nated from the Flo­rence of­fice of SISMI, the Ital­ian Mil­i­tary Se­cret Ser­vice. Fed­erigo Manucci Ben­in­casa, di­rec­tor of the Flo­rence branch of SISMI, would later be charged with ob­struc­tion of jus­tice. In Sep­tem­ber 1980 a "Lebanese con­nec­tion" was man­u­fac­tured, in­volv­ing Al Fatah, Pha­langists, Ital­ian rad­i­cals and Swiss jour­nal­ists tied to the Ital­ian in­tel­li­gence com­mu­nity, who sup­plied in­ves­ti­ga­tors with fake notes, memos, and reports. This was fol­lowed by a "KGB con­nec­tion" fos­tered by head of In­tel­li­gence Gen­eral Giuseppe San­tovito, a mem­ber of P2, and Francesco Pazienza. Gen­er­als Pietro Musumeci, a mem­ber of P2, and Giuseppe Bel­monte of SISMI had a po­lice sergeant put a suit­case full of ex­plo­sives, of t...

The at­tack has been at­trib­uted to the NAR(Nu­clei Ar­mati Riv­o­luzionari), a neo-fas­cist ter­ror­ist or­ga­ni­za­tion. A long and con­tro­ver­sial court case began after the bomb­ing. Francesca Mam­bro and Giuseppe Fio­ra­vanti were sen­tenced to life im­pris­on­ment. In April 2007 the Supreme Court con­firmed the con­vic­tion of Luigi Ciavar­dini, a NAR mem­ber as­so­ci­ated closely with close ties to Terza Po­sizione. Ciavar­dini re­ceived a 30-year prison sen­tence for his role in the attack. Ciavar­dini had been ar­rested fol­low­ing the armed rob­bery of the Banca Uni­cred­ito di Roma on 15 Sep­tem­ber 2005. Ciavar­dini was also charged with the as­sas­si­na­tion of Francesco Evan­ge­lista on 28 May 1980, and the as­sas­si­na­tion of Judge Mario Amatoon 23 June 1980. On 26 Au­gust 1980, the pros­e­cu­tor of Bologna is­sued twenty-eight ar­rest war­rants against far right mil­i­tants of the NAR and Terza Po­sizione. Among those ar­rested were: Mas­simo Morsello (fu­ture fou...

Due to the pro­tracted legal pro­ce­dures over the years and the nu­mer­ous proven false leads, there de­vel­oped a num­ber of as­sump­tions and di­ver­gent po­lit­i­cal in­ter­pre­ta­tions around to the real per­pe­tra­tors and mas­ter­minds of the at­tack. 1. One hypothesis is that it was a right wing bomb against a famously left-wing city.[citation needed] 2. Another theory suggests that officials in the Italian Secret Service were involved along with members of the secret organization known as the P2. 3. In an annex published in fascicles in 1994 of the right-wing weekly L'Italia Settimanale, entitled "History of the First Republic" it is given a particular interpretation of the massacre, linked with Ustica massacre (of which it is literally defined bis, a repetition) and then compared to the cases of Enrico Mattei and Aldo Moro. Without disputing the court rulings that have recognized the perpetrators, the text is intended to indicate the masterminds. The text continues with: 1...

The mu­nic­i­pal­ity of Bologna to­gether with the As­so­ci­azione tra i fa­mil­iari delle vit­time della strage alla stazione di Bologna del 2 agosto 1980 hold an an­nual in­ter­na­tional com­po­si­tion com­pe­ti­tion, which cul­mi­nates with a con­cert in the town's main square, Pi­azza Mag­giorean­nu­ally on 2 Au­gust, which is also the day des­ig­nated as a na­tional memo­r­ial day for all ter­ror­ist mas­sacres. The area of the sta­tion where the bomb det­o­nated has been re­con­structed but, as a memo­r­ial of the at­tack, the orig­i­nal floor tile pierced by the det­o­na­tion has been left in place and a deep crack closed by a glass panel has been made in the re­con­structed main wall. Strangely, many peo­ple have be­lieved the sta­tion clock had been stopped since the ex­plo­sion, even though it hadn't. In 1996, the sta­tion clock was stopped at 10:25, the time of the ex­plo­sion, as a fur­ther memorial.