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  1. Francoist Spain (Spanish: España franquista), also known as Nationalist Spain (Spanish: España nacionalista) in the context of the Spanish Civil War or as the Francoist dictatorship (Spanish: dictadura franquista), was the period of Spanish history between 1936 and 1975, when Francisco Franco ruled Spain with the title Caudillo.

  2. This period in Spanish history, from the Nationalist victory to Franco's death, is commonly known as Francoist Spain or the Francoist dictatorship. Born in Ferrol, Galicia, into an upper-class military family, Franco served in the Spanish Army as a cadet in the Toledo Infantry Academy from 1907 to 1910.

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  4. Category:Francoist Spain. The main article for this category is Francoist Spain. This category collects on the history of Spain under the dictatorship by Francisco Franco, from the end of the Spanish Civil War to the restoration of Juan Carlos I (1939–1975).

    • Overview
    • ¡Una, Grande y Libre! (One, Great and Free)
    • Una patria, un estado, un caudillo (one motherland, one state, one leader)
    • ¡Arriba España! (Up with Spain!)
    • Si eres español, habla español (If you're Spanish, speak Spanish)
    • Rusia es culpable (Russia is guilty)

    The mottos of Francoism are mottos which encapsulate the ideals of the Francoist dictatorship. Although the regime had many ideological influences, it employed Falangism in its popular movements. Falangist ideology was easily incorporated in the creation of mottos as it is believed to demonstrate a certain reluctance towards political agendas, and to favour empiricism, taking action, and the simplification of ideas. Although these mottos originated from the activity of different right-wing intel

    Una, Grande y Libre was the Francoist tripartite motto which expressed the nationalist concept of Spain as: 1. 'indivisible', expressing opposition to any kind of separatism or territorial decentralization; 2. 'imperial', referring to the part of the Spanish empire established in America, as well as the one that was intended to be built in Africa; 3. and 'not subject to foreign influences', referring to the international Judeo-Masonic-Communist conspiracy which the Nationalists believed controll

    Although ¡Una, Grande y Libre! was the most widespread motto under Franco's dictatorship, una Patria, un estado, un caudillo is another tripartite motto which was used extensively between 1936 and the beginning of 1940. The motto was spread by the Franco's confidant, founder of the Spanish Legion, José Millán Astray, who profoundly admired the Caudillo. In the first few months of the Spanish Civil War, when Franco was still a member of the Junta de Defensa, Millán Astray traversed the ...

    The decision to use 'up' instead of 'long live' was justified on the basis that the term 'live' was insufficient. The word 'up' conveys the idea of Spanish patriots standing at attention, asserting their active willingness to improve Spain. It also resonated with the providential belief that all events are predetermined by God.

    The motto 'Speak the language of the empire' was also employed, as instructed by a poster once displayed in the courtyard of the University of Barcelona. This motto was possibly inspired by Antonio de Nebrija, who wrote in 1492 that "Language was always a companion of the empire" in Gramática castellana, the first work dedicated to the Spanish language and its rules. These mottos were used above all in Catalonia in order to discourage the use of Catalan after the region was taken over by ...

    This slogan is taken from the speech Ramón Serrano Suñer made on the 23rd of June, 1941, the day after Germany invaded the Soviet Union, in which he blames Stalin's communist Russia for the Spanish Civil War, and encourages the support of Hitler's Nazi Germany in their fight against them. The quote was printed in newspapers and employed by the anti-Soviet movement which created the Blue Division, formed by volunteers and incorporated into the German army. These volunteers were believed ...

    • Overview
    • Background
    • Timeline
    • Employment
    • Gender roles
    • Role in the family

    Women in Francoist Spain found traditional Catholic Spanish gender roles being imposed on them, in terms of their employment opportunities and role in the family. For Republican women, Francoist Spain was a double loss, as the new regime first took away the limited political power and identities as women which they had won during the Second Spanish Republic, and it secondly forced them back into the confines of their homes. Motherhood would become the primary social function of women in Francois

    Francoist Spain was a Pseudo-fascist state whose ideology rejected what it considered the inorganic democracy of the Second Republic. It was an embrace of organic democracy, defined as a reassertion of traditional Spanish Roman Catholic values that served as a counterpoint to the Communism of the Soviet Union during the same period. It came into exist in 1939 following the end of the Spanish Civil War. Misogyny and heteronormativity where linchpins of fascism in Spain, where the philosophy revol

    The truth of the Spanish women's experience in this period is not one experience, but many that continually juxtapose upon each other where various stories about their experiences have been highly politicized.

    Women who had been behind Republican lines found themselves locked out from a number of professions just because of where they had lived. This included civil service jobs, teaching positions, journalism jobs, and places in professional organizations. It was not until later labor shortages that laws around employment opportunities for women changed. These laws passed in 1958 and 1961 provided a very narrow opportunity, but an opportunity, for women to be engaged in non-domestic labor outside the

    The end of the Civil War, and the victory of Nationalist forces, saw the return of traditional gender roles to Spain. This included the unacceptability of women serving in combat roles in the military. Where gender roles were more flexible, it was often around employment issues where women felt an economic necessity to make their voices heard. It was also more acceptable for women to work outside the home, though the options were still limited to roles defined as more traditionally female. This

    Motherhood became the primary social function of women in Francoist Spain. Still, while motherhood played this critical societal role, it was one the regime only wanted to see perpetuated among those who shared in their political ideology. Children of mothers with leftist or Republican leanings were often removed from their care in order to prevent mothers from sharing their ideology with their offspring. A law passed on 30 March 1940 meant Republican women could keep their children with them in

    • Establishment
    • Government
    • Armed Forces
    • Colonial Empire and Decolonisation
    • Francoism
    • Narrative of The Civil War
    • Media
    • Economic Policy
    • Legacy
    • Flags and Heraldry

    On 1 Oc­to­ber 1936, Franco was for­mally recog­nised as Caudillo of Spain—the Span­ish equiv­a­lent of the Ital­ian Duce and the Ger­man Führer—by the Junta de De­fensa Nacional (Na­tional De­fense Coun­cil), which gov­erned the ter­ri­to­ries oc­cu­pied by the Na­tion­al­ists. In April 1937, Franco as­sumed con­trol of the Falange Española de las JONS, then led by Manuel Hedilla, who had suc­ceeded José An­to­nio Primo de Rivera, who was ex­e­cuted in No­vem­ber 1936 by the Re­pub­li­can gov­ern­ment. He merged it with the Carlist Co­munión Tradicionalista to form the Falange Española Tradi­cional­ista y de las JONS, the sole legal party of Fran­coist Spain, it was the main com­po­nent of the Movimiento Na­cional (Na­tional Movement). The Falangists were con­cen­trated at local gov­ern­ment and grass­root level, en­trusted with har­ness­ing the Civil War's mo­men­tum of mass mo­bil­i­sa­tion through their aux­il­iaries and trade unions by col­lect­ing de­nun­ci­a­tions of enemy re...

    After Franco's vic­tory in 1939, the Falange was de­clared the sole legally sanc­tioned po­lit­i­cal party in Spain and it as­serted it­self as the main com­po­nent of the Na­tional Move­ment. In a state of emer­gency-like sta­tus, Franco ruled with, on paper, more power than any Span­ish leader be­fore or since. He was not even re­quired to con­sult his cab­i­net for most legislation. Ac­cord­ing to his­to­rian Stan­ley G. Payne, the lack of even a rub­ber-stamp par­lia­ment made Franco's gov­ern­ment "the most purely ar­bi­trary in the world." The 100-mem­ber Na­tional Coun­cil of the Move­ment served as a makeshift leg­is­la­ture until the pass­ing of the or­ganic law of 1942 and the Ley Con­sti­tu­tiva de las Cortes (Con­stituent Law of the Courts) the same year, which saw the grand re­open­ing of the Cortes Españolason 18 July 1942. The Or­ganic Law made the gov­ern­ment ul­ti­mately re­spon­si­ble for pass­ing all laws, while defin­ing the Cortes as a purely ad­vi­sory body el...

    Dur­ing the first year of peace, Franco dra­mat­i­cally re­duced the size of the Span­ish Army—from al­most one mil­lion at the end of the Civil War to 250,000 in early 1940, with most sol­diers two-year conscripts. Con­cerns about the in­ter­na­tional sit­u­a­tion, Spain's pos­si­ble entry into World War II and threats of in­va­sion led him to undo some of these re­duc­tions. In No­vem­ber 1942, with the Al­lied land­ings in North Africa and the Ger­man oc­cu­pa­tion of France bring­ing hos­til­i­ties closer than ever to Spain's bor­der, Franco or­dered a par­tial mo­bi­liza­tion, bring­ing the army to over 750,000 men. The Air Force and Navy also grew in num­bers and in bud­gets to 35,000 air­men and 25,000 sailors by 1945, al­though for fis­cal rea­sons Franco had to re­strain at­tempts by both ser­vices to un­der­take dra­matic expansions.The army main­tained a strength of about 400,000 men until the end of the Sec­ond World War.

    Spain at­tempted to re­tain con­trol of the last rem­nants of its colo­nial em­pire through­out Franco's rule. Dur­ing the Al­ger­ian War (1954–1962), Madrid be­came the base of the Or­gan­i­sa­tion armée secrète right-wing French Army group which sought to pre­serve French Al­ge­ria. De­spite this, Franco was forced to make some con­ces­sions. When the French pro­tec­torate in Mo­rocco be­came in­de­pen­dent in 1956, hence­forth sur­ren­dered Span­ish pro­tec­torate in Mo­rocco to Mo­hammed V, re­tain­ing only a few ex­claves, the Plazas de soberanía. The year after, Mo­hammed V in­vaded Span­ish Sa­hara dur­ing the Ifni War (known as the "For­got­ten War" in Spain). Only in 1975, with the Green Marchand the mil­i­tary oc­cu­pa­tion, did Mo­rocco take con­trol of all of the for­mer Span­ish ter­ri­to­ries in the Sa­hara. In 1968, under United Na­tions pres­sure Franco granted Spain's colony of Equa­to­r­ial Guinea its in­de­pen­dence and the next year ceded the ex­clave of Ifni to...

    The con­sis­tent points in Fran­co­ism in­cluded above all au­thor­i­tar­i­an­ism, Span­ish na­tion­al­ism, na­tional Catholi­cism, monar­chism, mil­i­tarism, na­tional con­ser­vatism, anti-Ma­sonry, anti-Cata­lanism, pan-His­panism and anti-lib­er­al­ism—some au­thors also in­clude in­te­gral­ism. Stan­ley Payne, a scholar of Spain notes that "scarcely any of the se­ri­ous his­to­ri­ans and an­a­lysts of Franco con­sider the gen­er­alis­simo to be a core fascist". Ac­cord­ing to his­to­rian Wal­ter Laqueur "dur­ing the Civil War, Span­ish fas­cists were forced to sub­or­di­nate their ac­tiv­i­ties to the na­tion­al­ist cause. At the helm were mil­i­tary lead­ers such as Gen­eral Fran­cisco Franco, who were con­ser­v­a­tives in all es­sen­tial re­spects. When the civil war ended, Franco was so deeply en­trenched that the Falange stood no chance; in this strongly au­thor­i­tar­ian regime, there was no room for po­lit­i­cal op­po­si­tion. The Falange be­came ju­nior part­ners in the g...

    For nearly twenty years after the war, Fran­coist Spain pre­sented the con­flict as a cru­sade against Bol­she­vism in de­fense of Chris­t­ian civ­i­liza­tion. In Fran­coist nar­ra­tive, au­thor­i­tar­i­an­ism had de­feated an­ar­chy and over­seen the elim­i­na­tion of "ag­i­ta­tors", those "with­out God" and the "Judeo-Ma­sonic con­spir­acy". Since Franco had re­lied on thou­sands of North African sol­diers, anti-Is­lamic sen­ti­ment "was played down but the cen­turies old myth of the Moor­ish threat lay at the base of the con­struc­tion of the "com­mu­nist men­ace" as a mod­ern-day East­ern plague". The of­fi­cial po­si­tion was there­fore that the wartime Re­pub­lic was sim­ply a proto-Stal­in­ist mono­lith, its lead­ers in­tent on cre­at­ing a Span­ish So­viet satel­lite. The anti-com­mu­nist cru­sade nar­ra­tive still ex­ists both as "a mi­nor­ity aca­d­e­mic his­tory" and in media friendly, po­lit­i­cally ori­ented pro­duc­tions (Stan­ley Payne/Pio Moa). This dis­course ob­scu...

    Under the 1938 Press Law, all news­pa­pers were put under prior cen­sor­shipand were forced to in­clude any ar­ti­cles the gov­ern­ment de­sired. Chief ed­i­tors were nom­i­nated by the gov­ern­ment and all jour­nal­ists were re­quired to be reg­is­tered. All lib­eral, re­pub­li­can and left-wing media were pro­hib­ited. The Del­e­gación Na­cional de Prensa y Propaganda was es­tab­lished as a net­work of gov­ern­ment media, in­clud­ing daily news­pa­pers Di­ario Ar­riba and Pueblo. The EFE and Pyresa gov­ern­ment news agen­cies were cre­ated in 1939 and 1945. The Radio Na­cional de España state radio had the ex­clu­sive right to trans­mit news bul­letins, which all broad­cast­ers were re­quired to air. The No-Do were 10-minute news­reels shown at all cin­e­mas. The Tele­visión Española, the gov­ern­ment tele­vi­sion net­work, de­buted in 1956. The Roman Catholic Church had its own media out­lets, in­clud­ing the Ya news­pa­per and the Ca­dena COPE radio net­work. Other pro-gov­ern­m...

    The Civil War had rav­aged the Span­ish econ­omy. In­fra­struc­ture had been dam­aged, work­ers killed and daily busi­ness se­verely ham­pered. For more than a decade after Franco's vic­tory, the econ­omy im­proved lit­tle. Franco ini­tially pur­sued a pol­icy of au­tarky, cut­ting off al­most all in­ter­na­tional trade. The pol­icy had dev­as­tat­ing ef­fects and the econ­omy stag­nated. Only black mar­ke­teers could enjoy an ev­i­dent affluence. In 1940, the Sindi­cato Ver­ti­cal was cre­ated. It was in­spired by the ideas of José An­to­nio Primo de Rivera, who thought that class strug­gle would be ended by group­ing to­gether work­ers and own­ers ac­cord­ing to cor­po­ra­tiveprin­ci­ples. It was the only legal trade union and was under gov­ern­ment con­trol. Other trade unions were for­bid­den and strongly re­pressed along with po­lit­i­cal par­ties out­side the Falange. On the brink of bank­ruptcy, a com­bi­na­tion of pres­sure from the United States, the IMF and tech­nocrats fr...

    In Spain and abroad, the legacy of Franco re­mains con­tro­ver­sial. In Ger­many, a squadron named after Werner Mölders has been re­named be­cause as a pilot he led the es­cort­ing units in the bomb­ing of Guer­nica. As re­cently as 2006, the BBC re­ported that Ma­ciej Gier­tych, an MEP of the right-wing League of Pol­ish Fam­i­lies, had ex­pressed ad­mi­ra­tion for Franco's stature who al­legedly "guar­an­teed the main­te­nance of tra­di­tional val­ues in Europe". Span­ish opin­ion has changed. Sev­eral stat­ues of Franco and other pub­lic Fran­coist sym­bols have been re­moved, with the last statue in Madrid com­ing down in 2005. Ad­di­tion­ally, the Per­ma­nent Com­mis­sion of the Eu­ro­pean Par­lia­ment "firmly" con­demned in a res­o­lu­tion unan­i­mously adopted in March 2006 the "mul­ti­ple and se­ri­ous vi­o­la­tions" of human rights com­mit­ted in Spain under the Fran­coist regime from 1939 to 1975. The res­o­lu­tion was at the ini­tia­tive of the MEP Leo Brin­cat and of the...


    At the con­clu­sion of the Span­ish Civil War and in spite of the army's re­or­gan­i­sa­tion, sev­eral sec­tions of the army con­tin­ued with their bi-colour flags im­pro­vised in 1936, but since 1940 new en­signs began to be dis­trib­uted, whose main in­no­va­tion was the ad­di­tion of the eagle of Saint John to the shield. The new arms were al­legedly in­spired in the coat of arms the Catholic Mon­archs adopted after the tak­ing of Emi­rate of Granada from the Moors, but re­plac­ing the arm...


    From 1940 to 1975, Franco used the Royal Bend of Castile as Head of State's stan­dard and guidon: the Bend be­tween the Pil­lars of Her­cules, crowned with an im­pe­r­ial crown and open royal crown. As Prince of Spainfrom 1969 to 1975, Juan Car­los used a royal stan­dard which was vir­tu­ally iden­ti­cal to the one later adopted when he be­came King in 1975. The ear­lier stan­dard dif­fered only that it fea­tured the royal crown of a Crown Prince, the King's royal crown has 8 arches of which...

    Coat of arms

    In 1938, Franco adopted a vari­ant of the coat of arms re­in­stat­ing some el­e­ments orig­i­nally used by the House of Trastámara such as Saint John's eagle and the yoke and ar­rowsas fol­lows: "Quar­terly, 1 and 4. quar­terly Castile and León, 2 and 3. per pale Aragon and Navarra, enté en point of Granada. The arms are crowned with an open royal crown, placed on eagle dis­played sable, sur­rounded with the pil­lars of Her­cules, the yoke and the bun­dle of ar­rows of the Catholic Mon­archs".

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