Elisabeth of the Palatinate (26 December 1618 – 11 February 1680), also known as Elisabeth of Bohemia, Princess Elisabeth of the Palatinate, or Princess-Abbess of Herford Abbey, was the eldest daughter of Frederick V, Elector Palatine (who was briefly King of Bohemia), and Elizabeth Stuart.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elisabeth_of_the_Palatinate
e Elizabeth Stuart (19 August 1596 – 13 February 1662) was Electress of the Palatinate and briefly Queen of Bohemia as the wife of Frederick V of the Palatinate. Because her husband's reign in Bohemia and Palatinate lasted for just one winter, Elizabeth is often referred to as the "Winter Queen".
Elisabeth of the Palatinate (26 December 1618 – 11 February 1680), also known as Elisabeth of Bohemia, Princess Elisabeth of the Palatinate, or Princess-Abbess of Herford Abbey, was the eldest daughter of Frederick V, Elector Palatine (who was briefly King of Bohemia), and Elizabeth Stuart.
- The fight for the throne
- Marriage to John of Luxembourg
- Later years
Elizabeth of Bohemia was a princess of the Bohemian Přemyslid dynasty who became queen consort of Bohemia as the first wife of King John the Blind. She was the mother of Emperor Charles IV, King of Bohemia. FatherWenceslaus II of Bohemia MotherJudith of Habsburg For other people named Elisabeth of Bohemia, see Elisabeth of Bohemia. Elizabeth of Bohemia Queen consort of Bohemia Tenure1310–1330 Coronation7 February 1311 Born20 January 1292 Died28 September 1330 Bohemia SpouseJohn of...
She was the daughter of Wenceslaus II of Bohemia and Judith of Habsburg. Her mother died when Elizabeth was five years old, and of her ten children only four of them lived to adulthood: Wenceslaus, Anne, Elizabeth and Margaret. Elizabeth and her siblings also had a half-sister called Agnes. Six years after the death of her mother, her father remarried, to a Polish princess called Elizabeth Richeza, from the Piast dynasty. Elizabeth's father then gained the Crown of Poland.
In 1306, after the murder of Elizabeth's brother Wenceslaus, Elizabeth's brother-in-law Henry became King of Bohemia. Elizabeth was now the only unmarried princess in the family, and at fourteen she was considered a good age to marry, and as a result played an important role in the power struggle for the Kingdom of Bohemia.
Elizabeth married the son of Henry VII, Holy Roman Emperor, John of Luxembourg. She knew Anna and Henry's weaknesses and this marriage was one of them. The wedding took place on 1 September 1310, after John was forced to invade Bohemia. Henry and Anne fled to Carinthia where Anne died in 1313. The coronation of John and Elizabeth took place on 7 February 1311.
In total isolation and abandoned by all, Elizabeth left Bohemia and went to live in exile in Bavaria. Her actions were considered an act of open hostility towards John and his nobles. In exile Elizabeth gave birth to her last children, twin daughters Anne and Elizabeth. John did not support Elizabeth during her exile. Elizabeth returned to Bohemia in 1325, with her daughter Anne, Elizabeth having died a few months before. When she returned she was ill, but she lived for another five years. Her f
Elizabeth and John were parents to seven children 1. Margaret, married in Straubing 12 August 1328 to Henry XIV, Duke of Bavaria 2. Bonne, married in Melun 6 August 1332 to King John II of France 3. Charles IV, King of Bohemia and Holy Roman Emperor 4. Přemysl Otakar, Prince of Bohemia 5. John Henry, Margrave of Moravia 6. Anna, twin of Elisabeth, married 16 February 1335 to Duke Otto of Austria 7. Elizabeth
- 20 January 1292
- 7 February 1311
- 28 September 1330 (aged 38), Bohemia
*Elizabeth of Bohemia * (1596–1662). The lives of Elizabeth and her husband are part of the fabric of European history. The eldest daughter of James VI and I and sister of Charles I, she married in 1613 Frederick of the Palatinate.
In 1620, Frederick V, having been installed as King of Bohemia, promptly lost his throne in events usually taken to have precipitated the Thirty Years War. In the 1620s, Elisabeth lived in Brandenburg with her grandmother and aunt until the children joined their parents, living in exile, in The Hague, where they were sheltered by Maurice of Nassau, Frederick's maternal uncle. Although all the details of Elisabeth's education are unknown, it is clear that she and her siblings were tutored in languages, including Greek, Latin, French, English and German and perhaps others. We can infer that Elisabeth was taught logic, mathematics, politics, philosophy and the sciences, and it is reported that her intellectual accomplishments earned her the nickname La Greque from her siblings. She also was schooled in painting, music and dancing, and might well have been tutored by Constantijn Huygens. Pal (2012) provides more detail of the intellectual environment of the court in The Hague.
While her correspondence with Descartes comprises the only substantive extant philosophical writings of Elisabeth, we are also aware of a correspondence concerning Descartes's Geometry with John Pell, exchanges with Quakers, including Robert Barclay and William Penn, and letters written both by and to her concerning political and financial matters in the English Calendar of State Papers. The correspondence with Descartes reveals her to have been involved with an appointment in mathematics to the University of Leiden and in negotiations on a number of matters, including the imprisonment of her brother Rupert in conjunction with his efforts around the English Civil War, negotiations of the marriage of her sister Henrietta, negotiations of the Treaty of Westphalia, and the finances of her family after the end of the Thirty Years War. There is also record of a brief exchange with Nicholas Malebranche. She is also known to have been connected to Francis Mercury van Helmont, who is reported to have been at her deathbed.
In 1660 Elisabeth entered the Lutheran convent at Herford, and in 1667 she became abbess of the convent. She seems to have been an effective manager of the convent lands, but also she welcomed more marginal religious sects, including the Labadists, at the request of Anna Maria van Schurman, and Quakers, including Penn and Barclay.
It is worth mentioning the accomplishments of some of her siblings. Her older brother Charles Louis was responsible for restoring the University of Heidelberg after the Thirty Years War. Rupert, the brother born next after her, gained fame for his chemical experiments as well as for his military and entrepreneurial exploits, including the founding of the Hudson's Bay Company. Louise Hollandine, a younger sister, was an accomplished painter and student of Gerritt van Honthorst. Sophie, her youngest sister, became the electress of Hanover and was renowned for her intellectual patronage, particularly that of Leibniz. Sophie's daughter, Sophie-Charlotte, was tutored by Leibniz, and both women carried on substantive philosophical correspondence with Leibniz in which he clarified his philosophical views. See Strickland (2011).
Elisabeth seems to have taken an early interest in the passions, as Edward Reynolds dedicated his Treatise on the passions and the faculties of the soule of man (1640) to her. While there is little information about its context, the dedication suggests that Elisabeth had seen a draft of the work, and so one can infer that they had some discussion or correspondence. Reynolds's work, while distinctive in the period as a self-standing treatment of the passions, draws largely on Aristotelian-Scholastic discussions. It does, however, focus on the sensitivity of the passions to reason, and so our capacity to correct our errant passions through reflection.
Elisabeth's correspondence with Descartes begins at her initiative in 1643 and continues until Descartes's death in early 1650. Elisabeth does not seem to have produced any systematic philosophical work, and her extant philosophical writings consist almost entirely of her correspondence with Descartes. While we have Descartes's works, and centuries of interpretation to contextualize his side of the exchange, we do not have this larger picture in which to situate Elisabeth's thoughts. Thus, any account of her proper philosophical position must be gleaned through interpretation. It is evident from the correspondence that Elisabeth has a remarkable and wide-ranging critical philosophical acumen. Careful reading of her side of the correspondence does suggest she has some positive philosophical commitments of her own, on matters including the nature of causation, the nature of the mind, explanations of natural phenomena, virtue, and good governance. In 1644, Descartes dedicated his Principles of Philosophy to Elisabeth. In that work, Descartes not only presents his metaphysics in textbook form, he also lays out his physics in some detail. Elisabeth responds to the dedication with gratitude, but also by offering criticisms of Descartes's accounts of magnetic attraction and the heaviness of mercury. In his letters to Elisabeth of 1645 and 1646, Descartes develops his moral philosophy, and in particular, his account of virtue as being resolved to do that which we judge to be the best. His letters begin as an effort to address a persistent illness of Elisabeth, which Descartes diagnoses as the manifestation of a sadness, no doubt due to the events of the English Civil War. As Elisabeth herself puts it, he \\"has the kindness to want to cure [her] body with [her] soul\\" (AT 4:208, 24 May 1645). While they begin by reading Seneca's De Vita Beata, they both agree that the work is not sufficiently systematic, and discussion turns to Descartes's own views. Once again, Elisabeth, in her letters, plays a principally critical role. Her criticisms of Descartes take up three distinct philosophical positions. First, she takes up the position of Aristotelian virtue ethics, in objecting that Descartes's very liberal account of virtue, which requires only the intention to do good, does not require that one's good intentions are realized in actions that are actually good. That is, she notes that Descartes makes virtue impervious to fortune or moral luck. She, however, goes beyond the canonical Aristotelian position to maintain that even our ability to reason is subject to luck. (This position helps to illuminate her view on the nature of the human mind. See the discussion in section 3.2 above.) Elisabeth also takes up a classically Stoic position, insofar as she objects to the way in which Descartes's account of virtue separates virtue from contentment. She objects that Descartes's account of virtue allows for the virtuous agent to make mistakes, and she does not see how an agent can avoid regret in the face of those mistakes. Insofar we regret when even our best intentions go awry, we can be virtuous and fail to be content. While it is unclear whether her objection is a psychological one or a normative one, she does maintain that achieving contentment requires an infinite science (4:289) so that we might know all of the impact of our actions, and so properly evaluate them. Without a faculty of reason that is already perfected, on her view, we cannot only not achieve virtue, we also cannot rest content. (See Shapiro 2013 for an interpretation of these remarks.) In the context of this exchange, in the same letter of 13 September 1645, Elisabeth asks Descartes to \\"define the passions, in order to know them better\\" (AT 4: 289). It is this request that leads Descartes to draft a treatise on the passions, on which Elisabeth comments in her letter of 25 April 1646, and which is ultimately published in 1649 as The Passions of the Soul. Elisabeth's concerns about our ability to properly evaluate our actions lead her to express a further concern, this time about the possibility of measuring value objectively, given that we each have personal biases, whether by temperament or by matters of self-interest. Without a proper measure of value, she implies, Descartes's account of virtue cannot even get off the ground, for it is not clear what should constitute our best judgement of what is the best course of action. Behind Elisabeth's objection here is a view of ethics akin to that of Hobbes and other contractarians, which takes the good to be a matter of balancing of competing self-interests.
While many of Descartes's letters to Elisabeth were published in the volumes of his correspondence edited by Clerselier after his death, Elisabeth refused Pierre Chanut's request to publish her side of the exchange. Elisabeth's side of the correspondence was first published in a volume by A. Foucher de Careil, after he was alerted to its existence by an antiquarian bookseller, Frederick Müller, who had found a packet of letters in Rosendael, outside Arnhem. These same letters are what appear in the Oeuvres of Descartes, edited by Charles Adam and Paul Tannery. The letters from Rosendael are not originals, but rather copies that date from the early 18th century. The consistency of their content with that of Descartes's letters, along with allusions to events in Elisabeth's family and private life, argues strongly in favor of the authenticity of the copy.
This exchange reveals that Elisabeth is committed to a mechanist account of causationthat is, one limited to efficient causation. Elisabeth rejects Descartes's appeal to the Scholastic conception of heaviness as a model through which to explain mind-body interaction, on the grounds that, as Descartes himself previously argued, it is unintelligible and inconsistent with a mechanist conception of nature. That is, she squarely rejects the formal causal explanatory model underlying the Scholastic notion of a real quality, insofar as she refuses to consider that model appropriate in some contexts. She is nonetheless open-minded about which account of efficient causation ought to be adopted. This openness reveals that she is apprised of debates about the nature of causation in the period (Gabbey 1990, Clatterbaugh 1999, Nadler 1993). Elisabeth's investment in the new science emerging in the seventeenth century is reflected in what she writes regarding mathematics and natural philosophy, discussed briefly in the next subsection. Elisabeth's remarks to Descartes also suggest that she is willing to revisit Descartes's substance dualism. She presses Descartes to further articulate his account of substance, pointing not only to the problem of mind-body interaction, but also to cases where the poor condition of the bodythe vapours, for instanceaffects capacity for thought. These cases, she intimates, would be more straightforwardly explained by considering the mind to be material and extended. The issue of the role of the condition of the body in our capacity for thought also figures in the correspondence of 1645, concerning the regulation of the passions, both from a theoretical and a personal perspective. Elisabeth seems to maintain the autonomy of thoughtthat we have control over what we think and can turn our attention from one object to another, and so that the order of thought does not depend on the causal order of material things. However, at the same time she acknowledges that the capacity for thought, and the free will essential to it, is dependent on the overall condition of the body. Elisabeth thus rejects an account of mind that reduces thinking to bodily states, but at the same time she calls into question the idea that the capacity of thinking exists wholly independently of body, that is, that a thinking thing is substance properly speaking. The force of her early question to Descartes, to further explain what he means by substance becomes clear, but she herself does not offer a developed answer to the question. Interestingly, Elisabeth introduces her own nature as female as one bodily condition that can impact reason. While Descartes concedes that a certain threshold of bodily health is necessary for the freedom that characterizes rational thought, he disregards Elisabeth's appeal to the weakness of my sex (Shapiro 1999).
In letters of November 1643, shortly after the initial exchange concerning the union of mind and body, Descartes sets Elisabeth the classic geometrical problem of the three circles or Apollonius's problem: to find a circle that touches each of three given circles on a plane. While Elisabeth's solution is no longer available, Descartes's comments indicate that Elisabeth had already mastered techniques of algebraic geometry. She is thought to have learned them from Johan Stampioen's textbook. Elisabeth's approach to the problem seems to have differed from Descartes's own, and Descartes remarks on her solution having a symmetry and transparency in virtue of its using only a single variable that his lacked. Elisabeth's recognized mathematical acumen is also evidenced by her involvement in the hiring of Frans van Schooten to the mathematical faculty at Leiden and John Pell's effort to enlist her help in understanding Descartes's Geometry.
In his letter of 15 September 1645 Descartes aims to answer some of her concerns by outlining a set of metaphysical truths knowledge of which will suffice in guiding our practical judgements, including that all things depend on God (who exists), the nature of the human mind and its immortality, and the vast extent of the universe (15 September 1645; AT 4:292). Elisabeth responds by asserting that these considerations just open more problemsof explaining human free will, of how understanding the immortality of the soul can make us seek death, and of distinguishing particular providence from the idea of Godwithout providing any guidance for evaluating things properly. (See Schmaltz (forthcoming) for an interpretation of Elisabeth's view on free will and divine providence.)
Elizabeth Stuart, (born Aug. 19, 1596, Falkland Palace, Fifeshire, Scot.—died Feb. 13, 1662, Westminster, London, Eng.), British princess who from 1619 was titular queen of Bohemia.
Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia Princess Elizabeth Stuart was buried in the south aisle of Henry VII's chapel at Westminster Abbey. She was the only surviving daughter of James VI of Scotland and I of England and his wife Anne of Denmark. She was born at Falkland Palace in August 1596.
- November 11, 2020
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- Edward, Count Palatine of Simmern, Elisabeth of the Palatinate, Henriette Marie of the Palatinate
- James VI and I