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Bangladesh's founding leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, as prime minister, with US President Gerald Ford at the Oval Office in 1974. Upon his release on 10 January 1972, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister, heading all organs of government and decision-making. [1]
The Proclamation of Bangladeshi Independence in March 1971 led to the nine-month-long Bangladesh Liberation War, which culminated in the emergence of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. Independence was declared in 1971.
This is a timeline of Bangladeshi history, comprising important legal and territorial changes and political events in Bangladesh and its predecessor states. To read about the background to these events, see History of Bangladesh.
- Overview
- Bangladesh since independence
In January 1972 Mujib was installed as the first prime minister of the new parliamentary government of Bangladesh, and Abu Sayeef Choudhury became president. Still troublesome, however, were various local paramilitary forces, known as Razakars, that supported the Pakistani cause. The Bengali Razakar force was called Al-Badr, while the Urdu-speaking force was known as Al-Shams. As Bangladeshi retribution against these pro-Pakistani forces ensued, Urdu speakers—known as Biharis, though most had been born locally rather than in Bihar—fled into enclaves where their numbers gave some security; nevertheless, many were killed. Hundreds of thousands of Biharis were placed in overcrowded refugee camps, where decades later many still awaited asylum in Pakistan.
Bangladesh’s constitution of 1973 provided for a secular state, a parliamentary form of government, a bill of rights, and a strong commitment to local government. Acceptance by the international community, however, presented a challenge. The initial application of Bangladesh to join the United Nations was vetoed by China; it was not until 1974 that Bangladesh was admitted to the organization. The new country confronted many other problems as well, including the restoration of transportation, communication, and international trade networks; the rehabilitation of the power supply; the revitalization of education, health, and population programs; and the resumption of agricultural and industrial production.
Elections held in 1973 gave Mujib a landslide majority, but the euphoria soon evaporated. Following a policy of economic socialism, the state had absorbed industries and businesses abandoned by Pakistanis, but economic troubles persisted. Prices escalated, and in 1974 scarcities were exacerbated by a great famine with a massive death toll. Faced with crisis, Mujib abridged freedoms and became a virtual dictator; corruption and nepotism reached new depths. On August 15, 1975, Mujib was assassinated along with most of his family. Right-wing pro-Pakistan army officers were behind the killing; some politicians also were involved in the conspiracy, and there were allegations of outside support. Unsure of their hold, the armed forces split into rival factions.
Another coup, in November 1975, brought Maj. Gen. Zia ur-Rahman into power. Once a freedom fighter, Zia now took an anti-India posture and favoured pro-Pakistan elements. In an effort to legitimize his power, he held a referendum in May 1977, received a vote of confidence, and assumed the office of president in 1978. After ensuring his control over the armed forces, Zia lifted martial law the following year. Although accused on some fronts of institutionalizing corruption in politics, Zia made notable achievements in the reconstruction and development of Bangladesh. He strengthened the military, empowered the bureaucracy, and improved law and order while emphasizing food production, irrigation, primary education, and rural development. He also initiated economic cooperation with nearby countries—efforts that led to the organization of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation in 1985. Nevertheless, military coup attempts continued, and on May 30, 1981, he was assassinated in Chittagong by some army officers.
The military high command in Dhaka did not lend support to the actions of the officers at Chittagong, and the conspirators were executed. Meanwhile, the civilian vice president, Abdus Sattar, was confirmed as president by a nationwide election in 1981, but he was ill, and real power was exercised by Lieut. Gen. Hussein Mohammad Ershad and a National Security Council. On March 24, 1982, Ershad ejected Sattar and took over as chief martial-law administrator. In December 1983 he assumed the office of president. To validate his authority he called elections for a National Assembly, and he formed his own National Party (Jatiya Party). In the election of May 1986, which was boycotted by many opposition parties, the National Party won most of the seats in the legislature.
Confident that the army was now under control, Ershad withdrew martial law later that year and called for a presidential election in October. Once again, the main opposition parties—the Awami League, now led by Mujib’s daughter Sheikh Hasina Wazed, and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), headed by Khaleda Zia ur-Rahman, wife of the slain president—boycotted the election, and Ershad received the overwhelming majority of the vote.
In January 1972 Mujib was installed as the first prime minister of the new parliamentary government of Bangladesh, and Abu Sayeef Choudhury became president. Still troublesome, however, were various local paramilitary forces, known as Razakars, that supported the Pakistani cause. The Bengali Razakar force was called Al-Badr, while the Urdu-speaking force was known as Al-Shams. As Bangladeshi retribution against these pro-Pakistani forces ensued, Urdu speakers—known as Biharis, though most had been born locally rather than in Bihar—fled into enclaves where their numbers gave some security; nevertheless, many were killed. Hundreds of thousands of Biharis were placed in overcrowded refugee camps, where decades later many still awaited asylum in Pakistan.
Bangladesh’s constitution of 1973 provided for a secular state, a parliamentary form of government, a bill of rights, and a strong commitment to local government. Acceptance by the international community, however, presented a challenge. The initial application of Bangladesh to join the United Nations was vetoed by China; it was not until 1974 that Bangladesh was admitted to the organization. The new country confronted many other problems as well, including the restoration of transportation, communication, and international trade networks; the rehabilitation of the power supply; the revitalization of education, health, and population programs; and the resumption of agricultural and industrial production.
Elections held in 1973 gave Mujib a landslide majority, but the euphoria soon evaporated. Following a policy of economic socialism, the state had absorbed industries and businesses abandoned by Pakistanis, but economic troubles persisted. Prices escalated, and in 1974 scarcities were exacerbated by a great famine with a massive death toll. Faced with crisis, Mujib abridged freedoms and became a virtual dictator; corruption and nepotism reached new depths. On August 15, 1975, Mujib was assassinated along with most of his family. Right-wing pro-Pakistan army officers were behind the killing; some politicians also were involved in the conspiracy, and there were allegations of outside support. Unsure of their hold, the armed forces split into rival factions.
Another coup, in November 1975, brought Maj. Gen. Zia ur-Rahman into power. Once a freedom fighter, Zia now took an anti-India posture and favoured pro-Pakistan elements. In an effort to legitimize his power, he held a referendum in May 1977, received a vote of confidence, and assumed the office of president in 1978. After ensuring his control over the armed forces, Zia lifted martial law the following year. Although accused on some fronts of institutionalizing corruption in politics, Zia made notable achievements in the reconstruction and development of Bangladesh. He strengthened the military, empowered the bureaucracy, and improved law and order while emphasizing food production, irrigation, primary education, and rural development. He also initiated economic cooperation with nearby countries—efforts that led to the organization of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation in 1985. Nevertheless, military coup attempts continued, and on May 30, 1981, he was assassinated in Chittagong by some army officers.
The military high command in Dhaka did not lend support to the actions of the officers at Chittagong, and the conspirators were executed. Meanwhile, the civilian vice president, Abdus Sattar, was confirmed as president by a nationwide election in 1981, but he was ill, and real power was exercised by Lieut. Gen. Hussein Mohammad Ershad and a National Security Council. On March 24, 1982, Ershad ejected Sattar and took over as chief martial-law administrator. In December 1983 he assumed the office of president. To validate his authority he called elections for a National Assembly, and he formed his own National Party (Jatiya Party). In the election of May 1986, which was boycotted by many opposition parties, the National Party won most of the seats in the legislature.
Confident that the army was now under control, Ershad withdrew martial law later that year and called for a presidential election in October. Once again, the main opposition parties—the Awami League, now led by Mujib’s daughter Sheikh Hasina Wazed, and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), headed by Khaleda Zia ur-Rahman, wife of the slain president—boycotted the election, and Ershad received the overwhelming majority of the vote.
Feb 26, 2019 · Independence. Getty Images. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was at the forefront of the struggle for independence from Pakistan. 1971 - Awami League proclaims independence of the province as Bangladesh ...
“The narrative sweep of this book covers Bangladesh’s political culture, develop-ment, identity, and governance over the last fty years of its independence since 1971. This appraisal is reminiscent of Taj Hashmi’s other recognized social history volumes on South Asia. I recommend this book for the fresh as well as the veteran
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Willem van Schendel’s state-of-the-art history navigates the extraordinary twists and turns that created modern Bangladesh through ecological disaster, colonialism, partition, a war of independence and cultural renewal.
