Search results
- Filipino follows the trigger system of morphosyntactic alignment that is also common among Austronesian languages. It has head-initial directionality. It is an agglutinative language but can also display inflection. It is not a tonal language and can be considered a pitch-accent language and a syllable-timed language.
en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Filipino_language
People also ask
Are Filipino and Tagalog still mutually intelligible?
What language is spoken in the Philippines?
Are Philippine languages morphologically ergative?
Are Filipino and Tagalog different languages?
Dec 2, 2023 · PDF | This study was conducted to analyze the morphological, syntactical, and morpho syntactical features of the Tagalog and English languages. This... | Find, read and cite all the...
With approximately 150 living languages in the Philippines (Headland, 2003), there are just as many structures of the pronominal system of these languages. The present paper attempts to compare the morphosyntactic features of personal pronouns of ten Philippine languages (henceforth, PL): Tagalog, Cebuano, Ilocano, Hiligaynon, Waray1waray ...
- Shirley Dita
Jan 20, 2022 · PDF | This study aimed to identify the linguistic features of Filipino Netspeak, the live experiences of students using it, as well as the educational... | Find, read and cite all the research...
A morphosyntactic analysis of the pronominal system of Philippine languages. January 2010. Authors: Shirley Dita. De La Salle University. Citations (6) References (24) Figures (2) Abstract and...
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Word Order of Predicational Constructions
- 2.1. Nominal Predicate Clauses
- 2.1.3. Possessive
- 2.3. Verbal Clauses
- 2.3.1.2. Double complement intransitive constructions
- 2.3.2.1. Two complement transitive constructions
- 2.3.2.1.1. With two nominal complements
- 2.3.2.1.3. With pronominal Genitive and full noun Nominative complements
- 2.3.2.2. Three complement transitive constructions
- 2.3.2.3.1. Intransitive constructions with agreement marking
- 2.4. Topicalized Constructions
- 3. Structure of Verbal Clauses
- 3.1.1.2. Clauses with pronominal complements, headed by auxiliary verbs without a ligature
- 3.1.1.2.3. Constructions with sequences of auxiliary verbs
- 3.3.1. Dynamic Verbs
- 3.3.1.1.1. Intransitive verbs
- 3.3.1.1.1.1.1. Reflexes of PEF *–um–/*mu–/*m–
- (57) Kalamian Tagbanwa (Ruch 1964:23)
- 3.3.1.1.1.1.1.1. Reflexes on historically underived verbs
- (58) Ilokano
- Guinaang Bontok
- 3.3.1.1.1.1.1.2. Reflexes on historically derived verbs
- 3.3.1.1.1.1.1.2.1. Reflexes of PEF *maR–
- 3.3.1.1.1.1.1.2.2. Reflexes of PEF *maN–
- 3.3.1.1.2. Transitive verbs
- 3.3.1.1.2.1.3. Reflexes of PEF *i–
- Guinaang Bontok
- 4.2.1.1.2. Genitive
- 4.2.1.2.1. Common vs. Personal
- 4.2.1.2.4. Specific vs. Non-specific
- 4.3. Relative Clauses
- Tagalog
- 4.3.5.1. Relativization of a Genitive Correspondent Possessor
- (138) Manuk Mangkaw Sinama (Akamine 1996:83-4)
- 5. Conclusion
Philippine languages are sufficiently distinct from other Austronesian languages that the label “Philippine Type Language” has sometimes appeared in the literature to characterize languages that seem to share characteristics such as the so-called “focus system” that are thought of as defining those found in the Philippines. However, despite consid...
Philippine clause structure is typically right branching, that is, heads of constructions appear in the initial position in the construction. In clausal constructions, this means that the predicate occurs first, with nominal complements, adjuncts and other modifiers of the predicate typically occurring after the predicate. Clausal predicates may ...
Since Philippine languages do not typically utilize copula verbs, predicate nouns constitute the head of nominal clauses. There are several types of such clauses, depending on the modification or lack of it, of the predicate noun.
Possessive nominal predicates are a subclass of identificational predicates. These contain either a genitive, a possessive pronoun, or a locatively marked noun phrase interpreted as a possessor in the predicate position.
Verbal clauses have verbs as their lexical heads. Since all verbs carry a predicate feature, they typically appear at the beginning of a sentence, and dependents of verbs such as nominal and verbal complements follow. In the description that follows we distinguish between two major classes of verbal constructions, intransitive and transitive. In...
Intransitive verbs may also expect two nominal complements. In these constructions the non-Nominative complement carries the undergoer macrorole. It is typically marked by either a Genitive or a Locative case form, although some languages such as Ivatan have a distinct Oblique case form that is used to express this extra complement. It carries t...
There is a wide range of transitive verb types in Philippine languages (the so-called ‘non-actor focus’ verbs), however, within a given language the constructions in which these verbs participate all follow basically the same word order. The relative word order of these constructions usually depends upon whether or not the complements are expresse...
Typically, actors precede undergoers, that is, a Genitive complement precedes a Nominative complement.
Most languages require that the word order follow the basic typology of actor preceding undergoer.
Transitive verbs may also expect more than two complements. The third complement of such verbs is interpreted as carrying the Correspondent case relation, and is often encoded with either a Locative or a Genitive case form, and as with dyadic intransitives, the Correspondent is typically interpreted either indefinitely or partitively. The relative...
In many Philippine languages, such as Bontok and Ilokano, there is no overt form for the third person singular Nominative pronoun, so that agreement marking only appears when the Nominative noun phrase is third person plural.
Topicalized constructions contain an initial definite nominal constituent which acts as the theme of the construction. It is coreferential with one of the nominal complements of the main clause. Only Nominative and Genitive complements which are Patients or Agents respectively of main clauses can be topicalized. The Genitive Correspondent (i.e....
In section 2.3 we dealt with the word order of simple verbal clauses in most Philippine languages. In this section we will discuss expanded verbal structures, beginning with those which require two verbal predicates. Verbs are of two types, those that do not require a dependent verb, such as all those that have appeared in the examples to date, a...
As noted above, clitic pronouns in Philippine languages are second-order type, they immediately follow the first verb in the clause, and therefore attach to the auxiliary verb.
Some languages allow a sequence of auxiliary verbs, the first of which is the head of the construction and therefore clitic pronouns, if any, immediately follow it in second position. Non-pronominal noun phrases follow the ‘main’ verb.
A major distinction has been drawn between two major classes of verbs in Philippine languages, dynamic versus stative. The distinction is necessary to capture the pervasive difference between the verbs of intransitive sentences which expect their Patient to express an actor macrorole, and those which expect it to carry an undergoer macrorole. In ...
Intransitive dynamic verbs are verbs which carry the feature [–trns]. They expect at least a nominal complement carrying the Patient case relation and the actor macrorole, and may expect other complements as well.
Most, if not all, Philippine languages retain a reflex of PEF *–um–/*mu–/*m–. The alternation was probably originally the result of a phonologically conditioned metathesis of the first two consonants of a word on which the form occurred, since the infix occurred following the initial consonant of a word. However, no Philippine language today main...
matay < UM+patay ‘will die naturally’ meles < UM+beles ‘will borrow naturally’ mekel < UM+qekel ‘will obtain as a matter of course’ For the purposes of this paper, the affix will be referred to as UM, and verbs which carry this affix as UM verbs.
In Philippine languages, the effect of adding UM to a word depends on the semantics of the word to which it is added. Forms which signify semantically intransitive physical actions, such as ‘coming’, ‘going’, ‘walking’, etc., commonly carry UM when the form is a monadic intransitive verb, or is a nominalization of that form. The verbs are conside...
Tumakder [–trns] stand.up dagidiay babbái intóno sumrek ti mayor. [–trns] those women when enter Det mayor ‘Those women will stand up when the mayor enters.’
as lumáku=da=s nan kapi=s wákas. futr buy=Nom.3p=Lcv Det coffee=Lcv morrow ‘They will buy some of the coffee tomorrow.’ (Lit., ‘They will buy of/from the coffee tomorrow.’) Forms which signify qualities, such as ‘tall’, ‘fat’, ‘old’, etc., commonly carry UM when the form is a (monadic) intransitive verb, or is a nominalization of that form. Unlik...
There are two large classes of verbs that historically developed by attaching UM to a word that had been previously derived with one of two prefixes, either PEF *paR– or *paN–, to form PEF *maR– or *maN–, respectively. There are a wide range of functions associated with each of these verbs, because of the semantic features added to the verb by the...
Reflexes of PEF *maR– verbs (henceforth MAG verbs) typically appear as either ag–, mag–, or may–, in languages in which the expected reflex of *R is g or y. The South-Central Cordilleran languages, in which the reflex of *R is l, all show the innovated form man–, or a further development, such as an–, men–, en–, or in–. In many languages the hist...
Reflexes of PEF *maN– verbs are found in most Philippine languages, but have been lost in some Manobo and other languages in the south of Mindanao. In most languages which maintain a reflex, the final nasal assimilates to the point of articulation of the initial consonant of the source from which the verb is derived, with resulting loss of that co...
Transitive verbs expect a minimum of two complements to be associated with them, one an Agent, the other a Patient. The Agent always carries the actor macrorole, the Patient carries the undergoer macrorole. In many older descriptions of Philippine languages these verbs (and the constructions which they head) were described as ‘passives’, because ...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The space restrictions necessarily imposed on articles of this sort, have unfortunately meant that much that could and should be said about the syntactic typology of Philippine languages is left unsaid. Moreover, only the minimum number of examples to exemplify our claims could be included. The theoretical basis of the analysis is hardly more tha...
The Tagalog language is known for being a predicate-initial language. This means that the predicate (verb) comes before the subject (noun). Therefore, the Tagalog language follows a V-S-O structure, in which most Philippine languages also follows the same structure. For example: Tagalog English Naglalakad si Maria sa eskinita.
The College of Arts & Sciences. Tagalog (Filipino) Tagalog is one of the major languages spoken in the Philippines whose population is now more than 100 million. It is the native tongue of the people in the Tagalog region in the northern island Luzon.
