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The Nilo-Saharan languages are a proposed family of African languages spoken by somewhere around 70 million speakers, [1] mainly in the upper parts of the Chari and Nile rivers, including historic Nubia, north of where the two tributaries of the Nile meet.
- None
- ca. 70 million for all branches listed below.
- Proposed language family
The Nilotic languages are spoken by some 14 million people ( see Nilotes), including the Dinka, Nuer, Luo, Turkana, Kalenjin, and Maasai. Nilo-Saharan languages, Group of perhaps 115 African languages spoken by more than 27 million people from Mali to Ethiopia and from southernmost Egypt to Tanzania.
The Nilo-Saharan languages are a proposed family of African languages spoken by somewhere around 70 million speakers, mainly in the upper parts of the Chari and Nile rivers, including historic Nubia, north of where the two tributaries of the Nile meet.
- Overview
- The diffusion of Nilo-Saharan languages
The original expansion of the Nilo-Saharan family may have been associated with the Aquatic industry. This industry, which dates to the 8th millennium bce, is a conglomeration of cultures that exploited the food resources of lakes, rivers, and surrounding areas from Lake Rudolf in East Africa to the bend of the Niger River in West Africa during a long era of wetter climate and higher lake levels than prevail today. The subsequent deterioration of the Saharan environment in the 6th millennium bce may be the reason for the relative geographic and linguistic isolation of several groups, especially in the western and central zones—e.g., the geographic locations where the Songhai, Saharan, Fur, Maban, Taman, or Daju languages were situated at the end of the 20th century.
In recent times several Nilo-Saharan languages in these areas, such as Fur, Kanuri, and Songhai, became associated with centralized political units whose states formed important chains in trans-Saharan trade routes. The Songhai language, now spoken by more than a million people living along the Niger River in West Africa from Mali to Nigeria, developed into the lingua franca of the Songhai empire, which reached its peak in the 15th century. The Songhai speech community probably absorbed speakers from various other linguistic communities through a process of primary language shift. Other modern Nilo-Saharan languages with more than a million speakers are the Saharan language Kanuri (mainly in Nigeria), Nile Nubian, and the Nilotic languages Dinka (South Sudan), Kalenjin (Kenya), Luo (mainly in Kenya and Tanzania), and Teso (Uganda and Kenya). Of these, only Kanuri is a lingua franca in the proper sense.
Such processes of linguistic expansion, while presumably common in human history, sometimes result in the extinction of other languages as the domains of language use begin to overlap to the extent that one of them becomes obsolete. Although the situation was somewhat less dramatic than in some other parts of the world, a number of Nilo-Saharan languages were endangered at the beginning of the 21st century because their speakers shifted toward other primary languages for daily communication. Such shifts can be observed for a number of Nilo-Saharan languages spoken by ethnic groups that generally number fewer than 1,000 speakers—e.g., the Kuliak language Nyang’i (Uganda), the Surmic language Kwegu (Ethiopia), and the Nilotic language Okiek (Kenya). Gule (or Anej), a Komuz language of Sudan, is now extinct, and the people speak Arabic.
The Maban languages, including Masalit, in Chad also are under pressure from Arabic, an important lingua franca and a prestigious language of education in the area. These gradual shifts in language domains sometimes are accelerated by other factors. The construction of the Aswan High Dam in Egypt in the 1960s, for example, forced many speakers of the Nile Nubian variety of Kenuz and Fadicca to abandon their ancestral land along the Nile, between Aswān and the Sudanese border, and to relocate to “New Nubia,” north of Aswān. An increase in daily contact with speakers of Arabic and the higher prestige of this official language of Egypt have resulted in a decrease in Nubian language use and competence. Massive resettlement schemes in the 1980s and ’90s for Sudanese refugees in such neighbouring countries as Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have led to new multilingual settings. Moreover, modern urbanization may turn out to have a catalytic effect on the diffusion of particular languages at the expense of others. The majority of the more than 100 Nilo-Saharan languages nevertheless thrive as oral, and sometimes as written, means of communication.
The original expansion of the Nilo-Saharan family may have been associated with the Aquatic industry. This industry, which dates to the 8th millennium bce, is a conglomeration of cultures that exploited the food resources of lakes, rivers, and surrounding areas from Lake Rudolf in East Africa to the bend of the Niger River in West Africa during a long era of wetter climate and higher lake levels than prevail today. The subsequent deterioration of the Saharan environment in the 6th millennium bce may be the reason for the relative geographic and linguistic isolation of several groups, especially in the western and central zones—e.g., the geographic locations where the Songhai, Saharan, Fur, Maban, Taman, or Daju languages were situated at the end of the 20th century.
In recent times several Nilo-Saharan languages in these areas, such as Fur, Kanuri, and Songhai, became associated with centralized political units whose states formed important chains in trans-Saharan trade routes. The Songhai language, now spoken by more than a million people living along the Niger River in West Africa from Mali to Nigeria, developed into the lingua franca of the Songhai empire, which reached its peak in the 15th century. The Songhai speech community probably absorbed speakers from various other linguistic communities through a process of primary language shift. Other modern Nilo-Saharan languages with more than a million speakers are the Saharan language Kanuri (mainly in Nigeria), Nile Nubian, and the Nilotic languages Dinka (South Sudan), Kalenjin (Kenya), Luo (mainly in Kenya and Tanzania), and Teso (Uganda and Kenya). Of these, only Kanuri is a lingua franca in the proper sense.
Such processes of linguistic expansion, while presumably common in human history, sometimes result in the extinction of other languages as the domains of language use begin to overlap to the extent that one of them becomes obsolete. Although the situation was somewhat less dramatic than in some other parts of the world, a number of Nilo-Saharan languages were endangered at the beginning of the 21st century because their speakers shifted toward other primary languages for daily communication. Such shifts can be observed for a number of Nilo-Saharan languages spoken by ethnic groups that generally number fewer than 1,000 speakers—e.g., the Kuliak language Nyang’i (Uganda), the Surmic language Kwegu (Ethiopia), and the Nilotic language Okiek (Kenya). Gule (or Anej), a Komuz language of Sudan, is now extinct, and the people speak Arabic.
The Maban languages, including Masalit, in Chad also are under pressure from Arabic, an important lingua franca and a prestigious language of education in the area. These gradual shifts in language domains sometimes are accelerated by other factors. The construction of the Aswan High Dam in Egypt in the 1960s, for example, forced many speakers of the Nile Nubian variety of Kenuz and Fadicca to abandon their ancestral land along the Nile, between Aswān and the Sudanese border, and to relocate to “New Nubia,” north of Aswān. An increase in daily contact with speakers of Arabic and the higher prestige of this official language of Egypt have resulted in a decrease in Nubian language use and competence. Massive resettlement schemes in the 1980s and ’90s for Sudanese refugees in such neighbouring countries as Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have led to new multilingual settings. Moreover, modern urbanization may turn out to have a catalytic effect on the diffusion of particular languages at the expense of others. The majority of the more than 100 Nilo-Saharan languages nevertheless thrive as oral, and sometimes as written, means of communication.
Nilo-Saharan languages spoken in the more eastern zones, such as many Nilotic and several Surmic languages as well as those belonging to the Kuliak and Kadu groups, belong to the former type, whereas western and northern Nilo-Saharan languages such as Fur, Kunama, and the Maban and Nubian languages have verb-final structures. Alternatively ...
The Nilo-Saharan languages stretch across the eastern Sahara, the upper Nile valley, and the regions surrounding East Africa's Lake Victoria. Members of the Nilo-Saharan family are also found in Northeastern Congo Kinshasa, west to the Chari River, and south to the Niger valley of South Africa (see Map 1). Map 1.
Overview and Distribution. Nilo-Saharan is one of the four major African language phyla, together with Afro-Asiatic, Niger-Congo and Khoisan. Nilo-Saharan languages are spoken by 46 million people in a central belt extending westwards from east of Lake Victoria through southern Sudan and Chad, parts of Niger and Nigeria up to Mali in West Africa.
