- Reasons For Sovereignty
- Arguments Against Sovereignty
- Allies and Opponents
- Sovereignist Organizations
- Sovereignist Media
In practice, "separatist" and "sovereignist" are terms used to describe individuals wanting the province of Quebec to separate from Canada to become a country of its own; supporters of the movement generally prefer the latter term. The term "independentist" is preferred by some supporters. Also in practice, the term "Federalist" was used to define people who stood with and agreed with confederation in other words agreeing that Quebec should not be an independent country.
Justifications for Quebec's sovereignty are historically nationalistic in character, claiming the unique culture and French-speaking majority (78% of the provincial population) are threatened with assimilation by either the rest of Canada or, as in Metropolitan France, by Anglophone culture more generally, and that the best way to preserve language, identity and culture is via the creation of an independent political entity.Other distinguishing factors, such as religious differences (given the Catholic majority in Quebec), are also used to justify either separation or nationalist social policies advocated by the Parti Québécois. The historical argument for Quebec independence stems from the region's history, as it was conquered by the British in 1760 and ceded to Great Britain in the 1763 Treaty of Paris; French Canadians in Canada were subsumed by waves of British immigrants. This argument makes the claim that Quebecers have the right of self-determination as other peoples do aroun...
Tension between the francophone, Catholic population of Quebec and the largely Anglophone, Protestant population of the rest of Canada has been a central theme of Canadian history, shaping the early territorial and cultural divisions of the country that persist to this day. Supporters of sovereignty for Quebec believe that the current relationship between Quebec and the rest of Canada does not reflect Quebec's best social, political and economic development interests. Moreover, many subscribe...
Perhaps the most significant basis of support for Quebec's sovereignty movement lies in more recent political events. For practical purposes, many political pundits use the political career and efforts of René Lévesque as a marker for the beginnings of what is now considered the contemporary movement, although more broadly accepted consensus appears on the contemporary movement finding its origins in a period called the Quiet Revolution. René Lévesque, architect of the first referendum on sov...
Legal and constitutional issues
It has been argued by Jeremy Webber and Robert Andrew Young that, as the office is the core of authority in the province, the secession of Quebec from Confederation would first require the abolition or transformation of the post of Lieutenant Governor of Quebec; such an amendment to the constitution of Canada could not be achieved without, according to Section 41 of the Constitution Act, 1982, the approval of the federal parliament and all other provincial legislatures in Canada. Others, such...
In a series of letters throughout the 1990s, Stéphane Dion(the federal Intergovernmental Affairs Minister at the time) laid out an argument against sovereignty. It has also been argued by prominent Quebecers (sovereignists and ex-sovereignists, including former Quebec premier Lucien Bouchard) that sovereignty politics has distracted Quebecers from the real economic problems of Quebec, and that sovereignty by itself cannot solve those problems. In 2005 they published their position statement, "Pour un Québec lucide", ("For a lucid Quebec") which details the problems facing Quebec. Many federalists oppose the Quebec sovereignty movement for economic and political reasons but many also oppose sovereignty on other grounds. For example, since the 1995 referendum, in regards to the declaration of Jacques Parizeau who blamed the loss on "money and ethnic votes", many federalists considered the sovereignty movement as an expression of ethnic nationalism. Some arguments against sovereignty c...
The history of the relations between French-Canadians and English-Canadians in Canada has been marked by periods of tension. After colonizing Canada from 1608 onward, France lost the colony to Great Britain at the conclusion of the Seven Years' War in 1763, in which France ceded control of New France (except for the two small islands of Saint Pierre and Miquelon) to Great Britain, which returned the French West Indian islands they had captured in the 1763 Treaty of Paris. Under British rule, French Canadians were supplanted by waves of British immigrants, notably outside of Quebec (where they became a minority) but within the province as well, as much of the province's economy was dominated by English-Canadians. The cause of Québécois nationalism, which waxed and waned over two centuries, gained prominence from the 1960s onward. The use of the word "sovereignty" and many of the ideas of this movement originated in the 1967 Mouvement Souveraineté-Association of René...
Precursor ideas and events
Sovereigntism and sovereignty are terms that refer to the modern movement in favour of the political independence of Quebec. However, the roots of Quebec's desire for self-determination can be traced back as far as the Patriotes Rebellion, the Alliance Laurentienne of 1957, the writings of Lionel Groulx in the 1920s, the Francoeur Motion of 1917, and Honoré Mercier's flirtation with this idea (especially in his historic speech of 1893).
The Quiet Revolution in Quebec brought widespread change in the 1960s. Among other changes, support for Quebec independence began to form and grow in some circles. The first organization dedicated to the independence of Quebec was the Alliance Laurentienne, founded by Raymond Barbeauon January 25, 1957. On September 10, 1960, the Rassemblement pour l'indépendance nationale (RIN) was founded, with Pierre Bourgault quickly becoming its leader. On August 9 of the same year, the Action socialiste...
The early years of the Parti Québécois
Jacques Parizeau joined the party on September 19, 1969, and Jérôme Proulx of the Union Nationalejoined on November 11 of the same year. In the 1970 provincial election, the PQ won its first seven seats in the National Assembly. René Lévesque was defeated in Mont-Royal by the Liberal André Marchand.
"Sovereignty-Association" is nowadays more often referred to simply as "sovereignty". However, in the 1995 Quebec referendum, in which the sovereignty option was narrowly rejected, the notion of some form of economic association with the rest of Canada was still envisaged (continuing use of the Canadian dollar and military, for example) and was referred to as "Sovereignty-Partnership" (French: souveraineté-partenariat). It remains a part of the PQ program[when?]and is tied to national indepen...
The separatist movement draws from the left and right spectrum; a sizeable minority of more conservative Quebecers supporting the PQ's political agenda because of the sovereignty issue, despite reservations about its social democraticpolitical agenda. Right and Left must be interpreted within the provincial context; Liberal Party politics generally coincide with those of other liberal parties, while PQ politics are more social democratic in orientation. There is no mass conservative movement...
Rest of Canada
The other nine provinces of Canada have generally been opposed to Quebec sovereignty. Aside from marginal movements, the only major secessionist movement in English Canada has been the Maritimes Anti-Confederation movementimmediately after Confederation occurred. In general, francophones outside Quebec oppose sovereignty or any form of national recognition for Quebec, while non-francophones, particularly the anglophone minority in Montreal, also have remained opposed. After polling heavily on...
In France, although openness and support is found on both sides of the political spectrum, the French political right has traditionally been warmer to sovereignists (like President Charles de Gaulle, who shouted his support of independence in Montreal in 1967) than the French left (like former President François Mitterrand). This used to be a paradoxical phenomenon because of the Parti Québécois and most sovereignists being to the political left and supporters of Quebec remai...
1. Parti Québécois 1.1. SPQ Libre 2. Bloc Québécois 3. Communist Party of Canada 4. Québec solidaire 5. Option nationale 6. Parti indépendantiste 7. Marxist–Leninist Party of Quebec
1. Mouvement pour une Élection sur la Souveraineté 2. Mouvement de libération nationale du Québec 3. Conseil de la Souveraineté du Québec 4. Réseau de Résistance du Québécois
1. Rassemblement pour l'indépendance nationale(RIN) 2. Front de libération du Québec(FLQ) 3. Parti nationaliste chrétien(PNC) 4. Parti nationaliste du Québec 5. Parti indépendantiste (1985) 6. Union Populaire 7. Nouvelle Alliance Québec-Canada 8. Action démocratique du Québec- was originally sovereigntist, but later abandoned in favour of considerable autonomy
Mar 19, 2015 · Canada; Opponents jump on Parti Québécois leadership hopeful Pierre Karl Péladeau's immigration comments ... of Quebecers reject that kind of nationalism, as articulated by Mr. Péladeau ...
People also ask
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Sep 10, 2013 · According to Bakali, the Charter of Values targeted religious and ethnic minorities in order to re-assert Québecois nationalism (Bakali, 426-7). Since French-speaking people are a minority within Canada, they have what Bakali calls “fears of the impending erosion of white francophone Québecois culture and identity” (421).
May 10, 2010 · Quebec, Nationalists, Nazis and Adrien Arcand. The great novelist Mordecai Richler forever associated the cause of Québec’s independence to proto-fascist ideology in English-reading minds when he wrote in a series of articles in the New Yorker, later published as Oh Canada! Oh Québec! Requiem for a Divided Country, that:
Mar 06, 2017 · Toronto, the capital of the province of Ontario, is not the political capital of Canada. Around the time of Confederation, Ottawa was deliberately chosen– in a pattern seen in such instances as Washington D.C., Canberra, and Brasilia – as the political capital. Ottawa lies on the border between Ontario and Quebec, in the heart of Central ...
Oct 20, 2019 · Canada is a country divided by its "state multiculturalism." Quebec, in a way, is re-modernizing itself, a process that comes with anxieties about the ability of a collective identity to survive ...
Oct 21, 2019 · Recycling the vieilles chicanes line makes it seem like it’s the other federal leaders who are the ones stuck in the past. Why nationalism, why now Books will be written on why this unselfconscious nationalism has supplanted sovereignty, and why at this moment. In the meantime, though, here are a few sociological trends to consider.
Quebec. Quebec is the largest Canadian province. At 1.5 million km², its territory accounts for 15.5 per cent of Canada's total area. The province shares borders with Ontario, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland and Labrador. June 24, 1636. Sports and Culture. First Saint-Jean-Baptiste Celebrations in New France.
Duplessis took advantage of this by using rhetoric of nationalism that bordered on fascism, popular amongst small factions in Quebec and throughout Canada before the atrocities of the war in Europe were discovered. In general, the Union Nationale’s use of language became less effective following the loss of Duplessis in 1939 and his ...